Lord Clare said, he agreed with the honorable gentleman, and hoped he should find this measure carried through with unanimity; he should therefore second the motion.

Mr. Dowdeswell. I would be very far from offering any thing on the present occasion, which might wear the most distant appearance of opposition, or a desire to impede measures of such high consideration. Nevertheless, I cannot consent to give my voice, by any means, for what I am convinced in my soul is wrong; and though I do not mean to divide the House on any particular opinion I may entertain on the subject, I wish to have it understood, that I do not approve of the present hasty, ill-digested mode of proceeding.

Governor Pownall. I think the motion for an Address extremely proper, as it can mean no more than to return thanks to his Majesty for the present communication.

Mr. Edmund Burke then moved, that the entries in the Journal of the House, of the 8th day of November, 1768, of so much of his Majesty's most gracious Speech to both Houses of Parliament, and the Address of this House thereupon, as relates to the state of his Majesty's Government in North America, might be read:

And the same was read accordingly.

Mr. Burke also moved, that the entry in the Journal of the House, of the 9th day of May, 1769, of so much of his Majesty's most gracious Speech to both Houses of Parliament, as relates to the state of his Majesty's Colonies in North America, might be read:

And the same was read accordingly.

Mr. Burke also moved, that the entries in the Journal of the House, of the 9th day of January, 1770, of so much of his Majesty's most gracious Speech to both Houses of Parliament, and the Address of this House thereupon, as relates to the state of his Majesty's Government in North America, might be read:

And the same was read accordingly.

Mr. Burke also moved, that the entries in the Journals of the House, of the 13th day of November, 1770, of so much of his Majesty's most gracious Speech to both Houses of Parliament, and the Address of this House thereupon, as relates to the state of his Majesty's Colonies in America, might be read:

And the same was read accordingly.

He next desired the Clerk to search for the supposed Resolutions that were entered into by the House, in obedience and conformity to this communication from the Throne; and none being to be found, he resumed his speech: Sir, (addressing himself to the Clerk,) I am thoroughly satisfied of your integrity and assiduity in the discharge of the station you now fill; but however high you may stand in my estimation, I would much sooner suppose you guilty of some fatal negligence, which, now leaves us at a loss for those proceedings, than presume the House to have so far forgot its duty to its Sovereign, its country, and its constituents, as to omit what was so strongly recommended to its consideration from the Throne, as well as what was in its nature so essential to our most important interests. And even you, Sir, (to the Speaker,) I should not hesitate to charge as guilty of some improper conduct on this occasion, sooner than the House.

Mr. Solicitor General. The honorable gentleman over the way has endeavored to entertain us with an epigram, but it wants one of its most essential requisites, it seems rather too long. Foregoing therefore the wit, which here comes in somewhat unseasonably, I should imagine that the grand object we ought to labor to accomplish, on the present occasion, would be unanimity. The voice of this House should be that of one man. It is not what this Administration has done, what that has omitted, or the mixed errors of a third, that we are now to consider. It is not this man's private opinion, or that man's; the particular sentiments of this side of the House, or the other. We are arrived at a certain point, and the question now is, in what manner we shall think proper to act. The proposed Address by no means precludes us from giving our opinions freely, when the matter comes properly before us, accompanied by the necessary information. When this information is properly digested, let us proceed coolly and with deliberation. We cannot yet determine, whether the dependence insisted on in the Message, may be proper to be vindicated or asserted. We cannot even say but it maybe entirely relinquished. We do not pretend to judge what sort or degree of connection may be necessary to be kept up for our mutual benefit. It perhaps may be prudent to grant them other charters, to enlarge those they already have, or to enter into commercial regulations different from those which at present bind them.

Mr. Edmund Burke. The learned gentleman, who has now held forth with so much ingenuity, and so great an appearance of candor, has left his epigram liable to the same objection which he made to mine; it is not short enough. Besides, he forgets to enumerate one of the qualities which distinguish an epigram, and which mine had: it, I think, carried a sting with it. The learned gentleman suggests (and I presume he speaks from authority) that the several Governments in America may be new-modelled; that connections different from those already existing may be formed, and commercial regulations, planned on another scale, take place. But I will venture to inform him, that an English Government must be administered in the spirit of one, or it will that moment cease to exist. As soon, I say, as the civil Government of those Colonies shall depend for support on a military power, the former will that moment be at an end. The spirit of English legislation is uniform, permanent, and universal; it must execute itself, or no power under heaven will be able to effect it.—[Here Mr. Burke entered into an historical detail of the weakness and violence, the ill-timed severity and lenity, the irresolution at one time, and the invincible obstinacy at another, the arrogance and meanness of the several Administrations, relative to their conduct towards the Americans for the last seven years. He observed, with some degree of severity, on the act of political indemnity, proposed by the learned gentleman, and his endeavors to confound all parties, as equally involved in the cause of the present confusions now prevailing in that country, contending that all dissentions, occasioned by the attempt to levy a tax there, gave way to perfect tranquillity on the repeal of the Stamp Act.]

Lord George Germain. The honorable gentleman who spoke last has taken great pains to expose the conduct of different Administrations, and to extol those who advised the repeal of the Stamp Act. For my part, however great the abilities and good intention of those gentlemen might have been, I was of opinion, that it should not be repealed, and voted accordingly. It is now contended, that that measure produced the desired effect, and that on its passing every thing was peace and tranquillity. I know the contrary was the case, and we had evidence at your bar which proved, that the Americans were totally displeased, because in the preamble to the repeal, we asserted our right to enact