gallery but all the rooms and avenues leading to it, were cleared about four o'clock.

As soon as the House had resumed its former tranquillity, it was

Ordered, That the order of the day, for taking into consideration his Majesty's most gracious Message of Monday last, together with the Papers which were presented to the House by the Lord North, upon the 7th and 11th days of this instant, March, (by his Majesty's command,) be now read:

And the said order being read accordingly,

The House proceeded to take the same into further consideration.

And his Majesty's said most gracious Message was again read by Mr. Speaker, (all the members of the House being uncovered.) Upon which,

Lord North rose. He said it contained two propositions: the one to enable his Majesty to put an end to the present disturbances in America, the other to secure the just dependence of the Colonies on the Crown of Great Britain. His Lordship observed, that the present disorders originated in Boston, in the Province of Massachusetts Bay; and hoped that the method he should propose to the House would be adopted. He should confine himself particularly to those disturbances which had been created since the 1st of December. He said, that it was impossible for our commerce to be safe, whilst it continued in the harbour of Boston, and it was highly necessary that some port or other should be found for the landing of our merchandise where our laws would give full protection; he therefore hoped that the removal of the custom-house officers from the town of Boston, would be thought a necessary step; and that the consequence of that would produce one other proposition, which would be, the preventing any shipping from endeavouring to land their wares and merchandise there, by blocking up the use of that harbour; he said he should move for leave to bring in a Bill for those two purposes. He observed, that this was the third time the officers of the customs had been prevented from doing their duty in the harbour of Boston; he thought the inhabitants of the town of Boston deserved punishment; he said, perhaps it may be objected, that some few individuals may surfer on this account who ought not; but where the authority of a town had been, as it were, asleep and inactive, it was no new thing for the whole town to be fined for such neglect; he instanced the city of London, in King Charles the Second's time, when Dr. Lamb was killed by unknown persons, the city was fined for such; and the case of Edinburgh, in Captain Porteous's affair, when a fine was set upon the whole; and also at Glasgow, when the house of Mr. Campbell was pulled down, part of the revenue of that town was sequestered to make good the damage. He observed, that Boston did not stand in so fair a light as either of the three before mentioned places, for that Boston had been upwards of seven years in riot and confusion, and associations had been held against receiving British merchandise so long ago. He observed that proceedings were openly carried on in the beginning of last November, to the 17th of December, denying the force or efficacy of the laws of this country, to be exerted in the harbour of Boston; that during the above time, there was not the least interposition offered by the inhabitants of the town; that at their public meetings, they had regularly given orders for nightly watches to be appointed, consisting of a large body of persons, which were to prevent the landing of the tea. As the merchandise of Great Britain, this surely was highly criminal, and a direct opposition to the execution of an Act of Parliament; and as the tea belonging to the India Company had remained twenty days in the harbour, without a clearance, they were afraid lest it should be seized by the custom-house officers, and by that means landed; they therefore destroyed it on the 20th day. That this appeared to be a violent and outrageous proceeding done to our fellow subjects, by a set of People, who could not, in any shape, claim more than the natural privilege of trading with their fellow subjects. That Boston had been the ringleader in all riots, and had at all times shown a desire of seeing the laws of Great Britain attempted in vain, in the Colony of Massachusetts Bay. That the act of the mob in destroying the tea, and other proceedings, belonged to the act of the public meeting; and that though other Colonies were peaceable and well inclined towards the trade of this country, and the tea would have been landed at New York without any opposition; yet, when the news came from Boston, that the tea was destroyed, Governor Tryon, from the advice of the People, thought that the face of things being changed since that account was sent, it would be more prudent to send the tea back to England, than to risk the landing of it. His Lordship observed that Boston alone was to blame for having set this example, therefore Boston ought to be the principal object of our attention for punishment. He proposed one clause to the Bill, which, he said, would prevent the Crown from restoring the re-establishment, till full satisfaction was made to the East India Company for the loss of their tea. He said, he did not propose it by way of tax, but by way of restitution to the injured, who were our own subjects; and to let it go forth to the world, that the Parliament of Great Britain will protect their subjects and their property; that the Crown, by that clause, will not even then be obliged to restore the custom-house, unless his Majesty is thoroughly convinced that the laws of this country will be better observed in the harbour of Boston for the future; this restitution entirely depended upon Boston alone. He should be happy to have those, who had been the promoters of these disturbances in Boston found out, and that they might be obliged to make good the damage to the East India Company; but as those persons are unknown to us, Boston will, no doubt, endeavour to find out such persons, or pass acts of their own Assembly, to levy such money in the most equitable and just manner. We have only to request it for the East India Company. He said that this Bill was not all he meant to propose; that other parts, of more nice disquisition, will remain for the future consideration of Parliament. There, perhaps, might be other methods proposed that were better than this; but he had as yet found out none that deserved a preference. Some persons had proposed that the fishery might be taken away; but this, he observed, would affect the Colony at large. Others proposed the Straits trade; and this would be liable to the same objection. No method of punishment ever came from him, but with great regret: he therefore hoped for that unanimity in a vote of this sort, which would give strength to the measure. It had been said, that we owed this proceeding of the Americans to our own ill conduct in taxing and repealing; but if gentlemen would recollect, when the Stamp Act passed, there was hardly a dissenting voice; and when it was repealed, it had the consent of a great majority of that House; that the doctrine then laid down was, that external duties were our right, internal taxes theirs; that when the repeal of the Stamp Act took place here, the clamour raised against that Act in America had subsided; that the non-importation agreements, it was true, were not remedied, because they ceased of themselves. It was my fate, he said, to propose the repeal of the duties laid on in 1767, and to continue the Tea Duty only. The reason was, I thought, the non-importation agreements would break up of themselves; which was afterwards the case. It was proposed by some, that the Tea Duty should be taken off; it was urged by others, that it would then become a monopoly of the East India Company; nor did I think the giving up the duty to the East India Company of consequence enough to venture the struggle of the Legislative authority of this country. If they could sell tea cheaper than any other People, they would certainly have the market to themselves. His Lordship observed, that at Boston we were considered as two independent States; but we were no longer to dispute between legislation and taxation, we were now to consider only whether or not we have any authority there; that it is very clear we have none, if we suffer the property of our subjects to be destroyed. He hoped that all would agree with him, both peers, members, and merchants, to proceed unanimously to punish such parts of America as denied the authority of this country. We must, he said, punish, control, or yield to them. He did not wish to molest without an offence given; he therefore proposed this measure to day; and observed, if such conduct was followed, it would tend to cement two countries, as important to the one as the other; he therefore moved, "That leave be given to bring in a Bill for the immediate removal of the officers concerned in the collection and management of his Majesty's duties