consequences of their not obeying this Act are likely to produce rebellion, those consequences belong to them, and not to us: it is not what we have brought on, but what they alone have occasioned; we are only answerable that our measures are just and equitable. Let us continue to proceed with firmness, justice, and resolution: which, if pursued, will certainly produce that due obedience and respect to the laws of this country, and the security of the trade of its People, which I so ardently wish for.

Mr. Gascoigne said he differed much from the proposition made by Mr. Fuller, as an amendment to the Bill. Will gentlemen consider what sort of Acts of Assembly the Bostonians have lately passed? They have sent over one law, to be approved of by his Majesty, for the raising and purchasing twelve pieces of brass cannon; these, he said, were to be produced against the present proposition of amendment. Do these proceedings look with a peaceable eye to the proposition of his honorable friend? It is not, says he, the acts of tarring and feathering only that shew their displeasure to persons who have offended them; they have other modes of punishment, which they make use of by way of argument and reason; the house of any person with whom they are displeased, they immediately daub over with excrement and tar, by which means the whole family is obliged to quit it. These People, he was afraid, would hardly ever be brought to reason; for the moment a person offered to argue, the reply was, either tarring, feathering, or daubing the house. The Bill before them now, he apprehended, would bring these tarring and feathering casuists to a little better reason; nor did he imagine that a military force would be in the least necessary: as their meetings were chiefly made up of merchants, the prescribing limitations to their trade would be the only way to bring such merchants to their senses.

Mr. Montague (second son of Lord Sandwich) rose for the first time in the House. He said, that it was usual to begin by making some sort of apology to the House as a virgin orator; that he should, for the present, wave that custom, but should venture what little he had lo say with as much propriety and decency as lie was able. He said, he was the youngest member in the House, and therefore, might more properly lay his thoughts before the House, in order that they might hereafter be corrected by men more able, and of greater experience; and that he might at last be induced to give his vote at least rectified with some sanction of authority. He expatiated much on the load of debt which this country had incurred on obtaining America in Germany; that we had spilt the dearest and best blood we had in the attainment of it; that it had been the result and deliberation of our Councils to obtain the possession of it by any means, and at any risk whatsoever; that it had been the darling object of this country, ever since we possessed it, to cherish and nourish it as the main prop and support of the constitutional body of Great Britain; that after all these struggles for the possession of such a jewel in the crown of this country, it would be madness, it would be folly indeed to the last extremity, were we not to pursue the most determined conduct to preserve it; the giving up that gem which we have so carefully and so diligently polished, or neglecting to enforce that due obedience, and cultivate the friendship, would be as it were an actual surrender of all our right and claim. He spoke much upon the indulgence that had been shewn to the Colonies by the mother country, and observed, that we had received nothing in return but contempt of Government. Was this filial friendship? Was this that debt of gratitude which was owing to this country? Or was this that bond of mutual connection which ought to have subsisted between the mother country and its Colonies? He said, he looked upon the unity of legislation to be as essential to the body politic, as the Deity was to religion; that the disorders abroad had entirely been owing to our weak Councils at home, and condemned much the tame, unmanly proceedings of Government towards the Americans. Those acts of the Americans call now loudly for that power and that interposition which has been so long, and with so much danger to this country withheld. Let us now proceed, and consider what it is most prudent to do in the present situation of things, rebus sic stantibus. Let us consider whether the Bill before us will not be the most proper method that can be adopted. The Bill, he said, would operate as a restorative and palliative; but if the amendment was adopted, which was proposed by the honorable member, it would indeed produce a punishment, the sting of which Great Britain would in some measure feel. He expatiated also upon gentlemen in that House, who had been clamorous against the measures of Government, with a view to make themselves popular: he termed them a faction, whose very existence had arose merely as it were from the vilest excrement of the earth. He begged pardon for having detained the House so long; as they had been so kind and indulgent to him in the attention which they shewed, he would conclude with giving his hearty approbation to the Bill, as it bore on its face those distinguishing lines which ought to be the true characteristic of every British Minister, moderation and courage.

Mr. Byng. I rise, Sir, to speak my mind upon this Bill. Whatever principles I have hitherto adopted, be they right, or be they wrong, I have always adhered to; and as I live with such opinions, I hope I shall die in them. Men's characters are known after their death, and to have steadily adopted one uniform set of principles, from which I have not deviated, I hope will not be deemed factious. This Bill will prevent all importation of goods to Boston, and thereby create that association in the Americans which you have so much wished to annihilate. You are not punishing the Bostonians; you are punishing the English merchants. They, Sir, would petition this House; but they might petition it in vain. I am against both the amendment and the Bill itself; I therefore propose, that after the words, "not to import goods," the words "except of British merchants," be inserted.

Mr. Stanley said, that the place where trade and merchandise could not be landed in safety was not a port; it was therefore proper that some other port should be found out where the subjects of this country might land their merchandise in safety. I think, said he, the Bill which is now before you, as far as it can convey punishment will be unavoidable; something must be done; an immediate remedy must be had, and I think, none can be adopted so free from objection as the Bill before you.

Mr. Dempster said, that he knew of no Act to which he gave his hearty consent in a more willing manner than to that which was for the repeal of the Stamp Act; he said, our disorders had arisen from our attempts to tax the Americans by that odious Act; he was very sure the destruction of America would be certain if we should offer to tax it. Have we not, said he, given an extent of power to his Majesty, to prevent the port of Boston from ever being reinstated if the King should think proper? What limit or line is drawn to define when it will be proper, right, and just, that the port of Boston should be reinstated? He said, the dignity of Parliament was by no means concerned in the disputes with our Colonies; and that we should treat them as our children, nourish and protect them.

Lord North rose to explain. When he mentioned the threats of Boston were not to be depended upon at the repeal of the Stamp Act, he said, he did not mean to rip up wantonly the mention of the repealing the Stamp Act; that he begged to be understood in that light, only to shew, that the threats of Boston, at that time, in not paying their debts, unless the Stamp Act was repealed, were not always to be depended upon.

Mr. Ward said, he was surprised to hear that we were not now to tax America; that he was equally surprised not to find that unanimity which he expected upon the present Bill; that he himself was much against the repeal of the Stamp Act; that he had presented four petitions from his Constituents in favour of the repeal, but, that he, at the same time, told them he must be against them. He approved, he said, of this Bill, because there was no other resource left; that we were drove to the wall. He disapproved, he said, of the amendment.

Mr. Jenkinson. I think Great Britain right; I commend much the measure of the Stamp Act, and, as the honorable gentleman, (Mr. Grenville,) who was the author of that Act, has been much praised and commended for another Bill, (the Election Bill,) I beg leave to throw in my hearty approbation of my honorable friend for the Stamp Act. What, said he, is to become of all your trade, if the proceedings of the Bostonians are to become a precedent to the rest of the Colonies; we have gone into a very