country submitting to every indignity they shall offer us. There are but two ways of governing mankind, by force, or by consent. Mankind are to be governed by legal power, acting by prescribed rules of law and justice; and a measure established on this doctrine, deserves the concurrence of the House. [Here he gave a long account of the rise of the American Government, and shewed, that an inattention to it, in its infancy, had induced the Americans so to think of themselves, as to throw the Government into a wild democracy; that it was not till after the Restoration that any degree of attention was paid them: He then read an extract from some old papers, shewing that the Americans had, so long ago as King William's time, refused obedience to the prerogative in many instances.] America, says he, is not now to be governed as it might be a hundred years ago; and how is it possible that the Council should, in any shape, have power, when it appears, that if any person, of moderate passions towards the degree of respect or authority to this country, is chosen of the Council, and is inclined to assist the Governor, he has always soon after been displaced? Let me ask gentlemen, if the property of the subjects of this country had been injured in France, would they have thought it a prudent conduct to have sat still and done nothing? I had much rather that this dispute had passed nine years ago, but I would rather meet the attack now than nine years hence; and I should blame myself much if, by any vote of mine, I should separate so valuable a Province from this country.

Mr. T. Townshend. The importance of this subject, and the melancholy consequences which are likely to ensue, deserve the serious attention of this House. I am not in a hurry to adopt the opinion of Administration, but I should be the lowest wretch upon earth if I suffered private opinion to be smothered. I was determined to give support to the most plausible method that was proposed, and I will say, as to this method, Si quid novisti rectius istis, candidus imperti, si non, his utere mecum. I am much averse to the meddling with charters, but when I see the inconveniencies that arise from the town-meetings, I don't think myself unreasonable in wishing to adopt an amendment. I think the Juries are properly altered, according to the constitution of this country, nor have I any objection to men being brought over to England to be tried, if it is impossible to find men of cool disposition and proper temper to try them in that country; and if I see this Bill left to the execution of the abilities of General Gage, I fear not the success of it. I remember, Sir, that men who were the most violent in opposition to the Stamp Act, at the time it was agitating, afterwards, when they found it was likely to pass, were applying (or Stampmaster's places. I wished much Sir, to have coupled this measure with another; I mean the repeal of the Tea Tax, which we might have done without showing the least timidity, but shall content myself with giving my affirmative to the present Bill before you.

Colonel Barré. The question now before us is, whether we will chuse to bring over the affections of all our Colonies by lenient measures, or to wage war with them? I shall content myself with stating-[Here he gave a long history in what manner Mr. Grenville, as an able financier, wished to search for means to liberate this country from its load of debts] that when the Stamp Act was repealed, it produced quiet and ease: was it then in the contemplation of any sober, honest mind, that any other tax would be laid on for at least a century? He blamed the late Mr. C. Townshend, with all his eloquence, for loading America with a tax; nor was he, said he, sufficiently cautious in choosing proper Commissioners for executing his trust; it was this which disgusted the inhabitants of Boston, and there has been nothing but riots ever since. It is the duty of the governing State to correct errors and wrong opinions. [Here he read several extracts of Mr. Dickinson's (of Philadelphia) book, entitled, "Farmer's Letters," and from Mr. Otis's book, entitled "The "Rights of the British Colonies."] You sent over troops, said he, in 1768, and in 1770 you were obliged to recall them. The People were fired at by a lawless soldiery, and seven or eight innocent persons were killed. They were carried about the town as victims of your revenge, to incite the compassion of the friends and relations of the deceased, and next morning you were forced to order the troops out of town. He condemned much the behaviour of Governor Hutchinson, as an accomplice in the present disturbances, and commended the behaviour of Governor Tryon, who, knowing that he could only land the tea at the muzzle of his guns, prudently sent it back to England. All other Colonies, he said, had behaved with nearly the same degree of resistance, and yet you point all your revenge at Boston alone; but I think you will very soon have the rest of Colonies on your back. You have blocked up the port of Boston; I supported you in that, and I think I have no great guilt on that head, as I thought it was a measure adopted to produce a compromise for the damage the East India Company had sustained. You propose, by this Bill, to make the Council of Boston nearly similar to those of the other Royal Governments; have not the others behaved in as bad a manner as Boston? And it is my opinion, that the office of Council, being chosen by the Crown, will become so odious, that you will not get a respectable man that dares to accept of it, unless you have the military officers for the Council, whom I think, in my conscience, will behave well. Let me ask again, what security the rest of the Colonies will have, that upon the least pretence of disobedience, you will not take away the Assembly from the next of them that is refractory. [Here he blamed the House very much for not receiving the petition of Mr. Bollan, who, he said, had corresponded with the new Council, and had been allowed and received at the public offices as Agent for the Colonies.] Why, said he, will you pretend to alter the charter of that constitution, of which you know not its present form of Government; for, he said, he had observed that the late Governor of Boston (Governor Pownall) had been, during the different stages in which the Bill had been debated, going from side to side of the House, to give information about the Government and its laws, many of which he remembered; some few the Governor had forgot. In France, Sir, it is a custom, said he, to judge upon one-sixth, seventh, or eighth, of a proof—the unfortunate Calas, of Thoulouse, was condemned upon eight hearsays, which in France amounted to a proof; but, surely, a British House of Commons will not condemn on such evidence; and I hope never to see Thoulouse arguments [here a member observed he meant too loose arguments] admitted as proof here. I do not know of any precedent for this Bill—it is impossible to put it in execution—and I will tell the House a story that happened to us when we marched at Ticonderoga; "The inhabitants of that town looked upon the officers of the corps as men of superior beings to themselves, and the youngest amongst them, I will answer for it, was highly treated, and indulged by the fair sex to the utmost of our wishes, even their wives and daughters were at our service;" and if the same degree of civility prevails, think you that it is possible the execution of this Bill can ever be observed by your army? I was of the profession myself, and I beg leave to tell the House that I am no deserter from it. I was forced out of it by means which a man of spirit could not submit to. I take this opportunity to say again, that I am no deserter from my profession. [Here it was strongly imagined, that the Colonel meant to give a broad hint to Administration, that the line of his profession was not disagreeable to him.] I think this Bill is, in every shape, to be condemned; for that law which shocks Equity is Reason's murderer; and all the protection that you mean to give to the military, whilst in the execution of their duty, will serve but to make them odious; and what is so to others, will soon become so to themselves. I would rather see General Gage invested with a power of pardon, than to have men brought over here to be tried; and the state of the case upon the trial, I mean in America, would, I am sure, justify such pardon. You are, by this Bill, at war with your Colonies; you may march your troops from North to South, and meet no enemy; but the People there will soon turn out, like the sullen Hollanders, a set of sturdy rebels; a perpetual exertion of your authority will soon ruin you; therefore, let me advise you to desist. Let us but look a little into our behaviour. When we are insulted by France and Spain, we negotiate—when we dispute with our