said Colonies or Plantations, for discontinuing the draw- backs payable on china earthen ware exported to America; and for more effectually preventing the clandestine running of goods in the said Colonies and Plantations," might be read:

And the same was read accordingly.

Mr. Fuller then made the motion of which he had given notice:

"That this House will, upon this day sevennight, resolve itself into a Committee of the whole House, to take into consideration the Duty of three pence per pound weight, upon Tea, payable in all his Majesty’s Dominions in America, imposed by the said Act; and also the appropriation of the said duty."

On offering it, he declared that the Boston Port Bill, and the other regulations, would be totally ineffectual without repealing the Tea Duty Bill. He said he was very sure that the motion would be productive of a great deal of good; and that it could not possibly do harm. He spoke much to the temper and feelings of the House; and the arguments which he used served rather to point out the former considerations which the House had had upon this question, and that the subject of taxation of America was no new matter. After a short opening, he concluded by making the preceding motion.

Mr. Pennant seconded the motion, and said, he wished much it might go to a Committee, because he thought the principle upon which the Bill was established, as set forth in the preamble, was unjust and impolitic; that it changed the nature of their constitution, and it took away the power which had always been held sacred to an Englishman, that of levying their own money; that it was similar to raising the ship money in King Charles‘ time; that those who condemned that measure must of course condemn this, the one being as arbitrary and unconstitutional as the other. He said, he subscribed to the supremacy of Parliament, but he thought there was a plain method for raising by requisition the money which we wanted; that the People of that country would be better able to ascertain how, and in what manner the same ought to be raised, on account of the local circumstances which might attend it. The People of Boston would be the first victims to our resentment; repeal this Bill, said he, and you will meet with support from the rest of the Colonies.

Mr. Rice. This, Sir, is a motion upon the plan of reconciliation, and there is no man would go further than myself to correct any thing that I thought would be the means of bringing about such reconciliation; but I cannot concur in any thing that endangers the supremacy of Parliament. Let us but consider the consequence of such a repeal at this present time. Whenever we have made the least concession, they have always required more; they will think that we acknowledge that we have no right, if we should repeal this law. The objection has hitherto been made on the ground of taxation. I will consider truly what that ground is; but I very much fear that they object to that controul which may be improper to take off; they submitted to external taxation; to internal, they always objected. I will take that period, then, as the fixed era for their allowing taxation, by the repeal of the Stamp Act, as an internal tax. If you repeal this Act, you will allow that you have no right. I desire to keep my stand here, and not to give up that authority which I am clear in. I wish no new taxes to take place, but I wish to keep the right and control, which if you give up, you part with all. The interest of America is the interest of Great Britain, and I would wish to make their happiness the object, and to do that which would be satisfactory to their minds; but, in this present case, I am greatly afraid if you give up this, you will be required to give up much more.

Captain Phipps. I should be the last person in the House to give trouble, if the importance of this question did not urge me to it; but I cannot take the acts of the Province of Massachusetts Bay to be the opinion of all America, nor those of a few designing interested men in Boston, to be the disposition of the whole Province at large. I perfectly agree that the Americans cannot resist, and that the doctrine of supremacy is good; but I think the Americans have a real security in Parliament, which is, that you can do nothing that does not affect Great Britain equally with America, I will consider the present measure as an act with which they cannot comply, or, more properly they will not. In the light, then, of a mercantile tax, it is trifling and ridiculous; as a matter of revenue, it is absurd. If they cannot resist, they will find some means of avoiding it. God and nature has given them an extensive coast, and of course an opportunity of smuggling. You will injure the manufactures of this country in a very high degree; I do not mean by their non-importation agreements, but by making them prefer the manufacture which is worse than yours, from your enemies, to those of this country, which is better. May the right long remain in the expediency of not exercising it! I would only have it called for at particular times, when the emergency of affairs requires it, and when the whole of Great Britain and America are to receive equal benefit; but if you exercise that right when you have no occasion or urgent reason for raising a revenue, you will throw the quiet man of that country into the factious man. But how can you expect an obedience of that country, when the emoluments of it are taken from them to supply the luxuries of men who live in this? The Province of Virginia, before Lord Botetourt was made Governor, was annually plundered of £5,000 per annum, by the non-residence of former Governors. I knew a person in that country who held eleven offices, the emoluments of which were appropriated to the support of men of bad description in this. I approved much of the Stamp Act, as a necessary measure to destroy-that nest of small petty-fogging attorneys, whose business it was to create disturbances and law suits, and live by the plunder. There is a wide difference between giving up a right and exercising it, but I cannot see that Parliament in fact gives up that right, when they say it is not expedient to exercise it. I therefore wish much for the repeal of this Act, which I think you will one day or other be forced to do.

Mr. Stephen Fox. I rise, Sir, much in favour of the motion on your table; and I think the only reason that has been urged against it, is, that America cannot resist. Do not, Sir, let us exercise such a conduct merely to show our power. I am far from saying we ought not to exert this power upon proper occasions, but to make use of it by way of irritation, is to me the highest ill policy, as well as absurdity; I shall therefore give my hearty affirmative to the motion.

Mr. Cornwall. I wish gentlemen would take into consideration the justice of their former proceedings, and the policy and expediency which the present times require and occasion. I do not love entering into the long debates which have formerly happened upon this business; I think it wrong, and wish only to pursue the present expediency of the measure. The proposition which we are now called upon to decide, is simply this: Whether the whole of our authority over the Americans shall be taken away? It has been said we have irritated the Americans by taxes that are neither for the purpose of revenue, nor for commercial regulations. That tax will be found to produce much more than gentlemen think; and however little it may produce, the taking it off at this time would be both impolitic and imprudent. Much has also been said about gaining the affections of the Americans. If this were a new question, I should think the gaining of their affections is worth a thousand times the produce of the Tea Duty. It is true, Sir, that England is loaded with a debt of a very considerable amount, on account of the last American war; and it is but just and right that they should bear their proportion of expense. Gentlemen say, that the proposition should have been made to them by way of requisition. If I saw or apprehended the least inclination from them to assist us in any other mode as to taxation, I would readily give up this particular tax; but has any one offered any thing on this head? Has any person been authorized to treat; or any ambassador sent on that occasion? I would meet them half way in this proposition. It has been said, that all their labours are centered in this country, and that we should injure ourselves by laying this tax. I look upon the interest of this country to be so nearly connected with that, that our own actions will be the guide of their security. America does not meet you on the mode of taxation, but upon the question of right; and, for my part, I cannot comprehend the distinction between internal and external taxation. You repealed the Stamp