ly in the last war. It has never been once denied—and what reason have we to imagine that the Colonies would not have proceeded in supplying Government as liberally, if you had not stepped in and hindered them from contributing, by interrupting the channel in which their liberality flowed with so strong a course; by attempting to take, instead of being satisfied to receive. Sir William Temple, says, that Holland has loaded itself with ten times the impositions which it revolted from Spain, rather than submit to. He says true. Tyranny is a poor provider. It knows neither how to accumulate, nor how to extract.

I charge, therefore, to this new and unfortunate system the loss not only of peace, of union, and of commerce, but even of revenue, which its friends are contending for. It is morally certain, that we have lost at least a million of free grants since the peace. I think we have lost a great deal more; and that those who look for a revenue from the Provinces, never could have pursued even in that light, a course more directly repugnant to their purposes.

Now, Sir, I trust I have shewn, first on that narrow ground which the honorable gentleman measured, that you are like to lose nothing by complying with the motion, except what you have lost already. I have shewn, afterwards, that in time of peace you flourished in commerce, and when war required it, had sufficient aid from the Colonies, while you pursued your ancient policy; that you threw every thing into confusion when you made the Stamp Act; and that you restored every thing to peace and order when you repealed it. I have shewn that the revival of the system of taxation has produced the very worst effects; and that the partial repeal has produced, not partial good, but universal evil. Let these considerations, founded on facts, not one of which can be denied, bring us back to your reason by the road of your experience.

I cannot, as I have said, answer for mixed measures; but surely this mixture of lenity would give the whole a better chance of success. When you once regain confidence, the way will be clear before you. Then you may enforce the Act of Navigation when it ought to be enforced. You will yourselves open it where it ought still further to be opened. Proceed in what you do, whatever you do, from policy, and not from rancour. Let us act like men, let us act like statesmen. Let us hold some sort of consistent conduct. It is agreed that a revenue is not to be had in America. If we lose the profit, let us get rid of the odium.

On this business of America, I confess, I am serious, even to sadness. I have had but one opinion concerning it since I sat, and before I sat in Parliament. The noble Lord, (Lord North) will, as usual, probably, attribute the part taken by me and my friends in this business, to a desire of getting his places. Let him enjoy this happy and original idea. If I deprived him of it, I should take away most of his wit and all his argument. But I had rather bear the brunt of all his wit, and indeed blows much heavier, than stand answerable to God for embracing a system that tends to the destruction of some of the very best and fairest of his works. But I know the map of England, as well as the noble Lord (Lord North,) or as any other person; and I know that the way I take is not the road to preferment. My excellent and honorable friend under me on the floor, (Mr. Dowdeswell,) has trod that road with great toil for upwards of twenty years together. He is not yet arrived at the noble Lord's destination. However, the tracks of my worthy friend are those I have ever wished to follow; because I know they lead to honor. Long may we tread the same road together; whoever may accompany us, or whoever may laugh at us on our journey! I honestly and solemnly declare, I have in all seasons adhered to the system of 1766, for no other reason, than that I think it laid deep in your truest interests—and that, by limiting the exercise, it fixes on the firmest foundations, a real, consistent, well-grounded authority in Parliament. Until you come back to that system, there will be no peace for England.

Mr. Solicitor General Wedderburn. I am not willing to. trouble the House long upon this occasion, as it is impossible to say any thing that has not been touched upon before; but I cannot accede to the characters the honorable gentleman has given; I differ much from him in the character of that great man, the late Mr. Grenville, of whom I shall always speak with veneration; but I cannot, Sir, help thinking, that if you repeal this Act, the Americans will consider you weak in the highest degree, and receive it in the same manner as if you had done it through fear. The disposition to deny your authority in America, was long before the passing or repealing the Stamp Act. The Assembly address the Council, how an Act of the Legislature came to be enrolled in their statute book, not assented to by them. Was this not a flagrant instance of their rebellious disposition? They consider all the Acts that restrain trade as illegal, and they want to treat with you upon an independent footing; but if you give up this tax, it is not here that you must stop, you will be required to give up much more, nay, to give up all. Much has been said about requisition; but I wish gentlemen would consider how, and in what manner, the Ministers of this country, treating with the Assemblies of America, are to raise the money without the aid of their Legislature.

Mr. Burke rose to explain, that he did not mean to cast the least slur upon the character of the late Mr. Grenville; and concluded with saying, he would not raise the bodies of the dead, to make them vampires to suck out the virtues of the living.

Mr. Charles Fox. Let us consider, Sir, what is the state America appears in to this country; the Americans will appear as useful subjects, if you will use them with that temper and lenity which you ought to do. When the Stamp Act was repealed murmurs ceased, and quiet succeeded. Taxes have produced a contrary behaviour; they have been succeeded by riots and disturbances. Here is an absolute dereliction of the authority of this country. It has been said that America is not represented here, but virtually the Americans are full as virtually taxed as virtually represented. A tax can only be laid for three purposes: the first for a commercial regulation, the second for a revenue, and the third for asserting your right. As to the two first, it has clearly been denied it is for either; as to the latter, it is only done with a view to irritate and declare war there, which, if you persist in, I am clearly of opinion you will effect, or force into open rebellion.

Lord Beauchamp. Sir, I should not intrude at this late hour of the night, did I not wish to express my thoughts, that the Americans are not contending for the mode of taxation, but the right. Some years ago, when this Act was passed, combinations took place, in order to oppose that authority which you wish to exert. Measures are now adopted to induce them to consent to this Act, not by force, but by means which I hope will bring them to a sense of their duty. Had this repeal been proposed some sessions ago, I should most probably have adopted it; but the present disturbances in America totally prevent my giving my consent to it. I think it impracticable to repeal it, because we give up our right; and I am not prepared to say, that at no future moment I would tax America. There may be times when the necessity of supplying the exigencies of this country may demand that aid; and therefore I would exert our authority now by a practicable claim of right, which I hope will not hereafter be disputed.

General Burgoyne. Sir, I look upon America to be our child, which I think we have already spoiled by too much indulgence. We are desired to conciliate measures with the Americans; I look upon this measure to have a totally different effect; I think it a mis-use of time to go into a Committee, and that even the inquiry, the news of which will soon reach America, will tend to nothing but to raise heats, and not appease, but irritate and disturb the more. It is said, if you remove this duty, you will remove all grievances in America; but I am apprehensive that it is the right of taxation they contend about, and not the tax; it is the independent state of that country upon the Legislature of this, which is contended for; but, Sir, I am ready to resist that proposition, and to contend, at any future time, against such independence. I will not enter into the characters of People, nor will I call the great person who planned these measures a cherubim, seraphim, or arch-angel; but, as a man, I believe he has a good head and an honest heart. [The House here seemed very noisy, and did not attend.] He therefore sat down, concluding, that he wished to see America convinced by persuasion, rather than the sword.

Mr. T. Townshend. Sir, I wish much to go into a