made by the Committee; and the amendments were severally agreed to by the House.

Ordered, That the Bill, with the amendments, be engrossed.

MONDAY, May 9, 1774.

An engrossed Bill for the better providing suitable Quarters for Officers and Soldiers in his Majesty's service in North America, was read the third time.

Resolved, That the Bill do Pass.

Ordered, That Sir Charles Whitworth do carry the Bill to the Lords, and desire their concurrence.

HOUSE OF LORDS.

MONDAY, May 9, 1774.

A Message was brought from the House of Commons, by Sir Charles Whitworth, and others:

With a Bill, intituled, "An Act for the better providing suitable Quarters for Officers and Soldiers in his Majesty's service in North America; to which they desire the concurrence of this House.

The said Bill was read the first time,

Ordered, That the said Bill be printed.

THURSDAY, May 12, 1774.

The order of the day being read, the Bill was accordingly read a second time, and committed to a Committee of the whole House.

Ordered, That the House be put into a Committee upon the said Bill, tomorrow; and that the Lords be summoned.

MONDAY, May 16, 1774.

The House, according to order, was put into a Committee upon the Bill.

After some time the House was resumed:

And the Lord Boston reported from the Committee, that they had gone through the Bill, and directed him to report the same to the House, without any amendment.

Ordered, That the said Bill be read a third time on Wednesday next; and that the Lords be summoned.

WEDNESDAY, May 18, 1774.

The order of the day being read, for the third reading of the Bill:

Ordered, That the said Bill be read the third time, on Thursday, the 26th day of this instant, May; and that the Lords be summoned.

THURSDAY, May 26, 1774.

The order of the day being read, for the third reading of the Bill:

The said Bill was accordingly read the third time.

Moved, That the Bill do Pass?

Lord Chatham rose and said:

My Lords, the unfavourable state of health under which I have long laboured could not prevent me from laying before your Lordships my thoughts on the Bill now upon the table, and on the state of American affairs in general.

If we take a transient view of those motives which induced the ancestors of our fellow-subjects in America to leave their native country, to encounter the innumerable difficulties of the unexplored regions of the Western world, our astonishment at the present conduct of their descendants will naturally subside. There was no corner of the world into which men of their free and enterprising spirit would not fly with alacrity, rather than submit to the slavish and tyrannical principles which prevailed at that period in their native country. And shall we wonder, my Lords, if the descendants of such illustrious characters spurn, with contempt, the hand of unconstitutional power, that would snatch from them such dear-bought privileges as they now contend for? Had the British Colonies been planted by any other Kingdom than our own, the inhabitants would have carried with them the chains of slavery, and spirit of despotism; but as they are, they ought to be remembered as great instances to instruct the world, what great exertions mankind will naturally make, when they are left to the free exercise of their own powers. And, my Lords, notwithstanding my intention to give my hearty negative to the question now before you, I cannot help condemning, in the severest manner, the late turbulent and unwarrantable conduct of the Americans in some instances, particularly in the late riots of Boston. But, my Lords, the mode which has been pursued to bring them back to a sense of their duty to their Parent State has been so diametrically opposite to the fundamental principles of sound policy, that individuals, possessed of common understanding, must be astonished at such proceedings. By blocking up the harbour of Boston, you have involved the innocent trader in the same punishment with the guilty profligates who destroyed your merchandise; and instead of making a well-concerted effort to secure the real offenders, you clap a naval and military extinguisher over their harbour, and punish the crime of a few lawless depredators and their abettors, upon the whole body of the inhabitants.

My Lords, this country is little obliged to the framers and promoters of this tea tax. The Americans had almost forgot, in their excess of gratitude for the repeal of the Stamp Act, any interest but that of the mother country: there seemed an emulation among the different Provinces, who should be most dutiful and forward in their expressions of loyalty to their real benefactors; as you will readily perceive by the following letter, from Governor Bernard, to a noble Lord then in office: The House of Representatives, says he, from the time of opening the session to this day, has shewn a disposition to avoid all dispute with me: every thing having passed with as much good humour as I could desire. They have acted, in all things, with temper and moderation; they have avoided some subjects of dispute, and have laid a foundation for removing some causes of former altercation."

This my Lords, was the temper of the Americans; and would have continued so, had it not been interrupted by your fruitless endeavours to tax them without their consent; but the moment they perceived your intention was renewed to tax them, under a pretence of serving the East India Company, their resentment got the ascendant of their moderation, and hurried them into actions contrary to law, which, in their cooler hours, they would have thought on with horrour: for I sincerely believe the destroying of the tea was the effect of despair.

But, my Lords, from the complexion of the whole of the proceedings, T think that Administration has purposely irritated them into those late violent acts, for which they now so severely smart, purposely to be revenged on them for the victory they gained by the repeal of the Stamp Act; a measure to which they seemingly acquiesced, but at the bottom they were its real enemies. For what other motive could induce them to dress taxation, that father of American sedition, in the robes of an East India Director, but to break in upon that mutual peace and harmony, which then so happily subsisted between them and the mother country?

My Lords, I am an old man, and would advise the noble Lords in office to adopt a more gentle mode of governing America; for the day is not far distant, when America may vie with these Kingdoms, not only in arms, but in arts also. It is an established fact, that the principal towns in America are learned and polite, and under-stand the constitution of the empire as well as the noble Lords who are now in office; and consequently, they will have a watchful eye over their liberties, to prevent the least encroachment on their hereditary rights.

This observation is so recently exemplified in an excellent pamphlet, which comes from the pen of an American gentleman, that I shall take the liberty of reading to your Lordships his thoughts on the competency of the British Parliament to tax America, which in my opinion, puts this interesting matter in the clearest view: "The High Court of Parliament says he, is the supreme Legislative power over the whole empire; in all free States the constitution is fixed; and as the supreme Legislature derives its power and authority from the constitution, it cannot over-leap the bounds of it, without destroying its