mons, that leave be given to bring in a Bill "for the immediate removal of the officers concerned in the collection and management of his Majesty's duties of Customs from the town of Boston, in the Province of Massachusetts Bay, in North America; and to discontinue the landing and discharging, lading and shipping of goods, wares and merchandise, at the said town of Boston, or within the harbour thereof."

If the Colonies in general permit this to pass unnoticed, a precedent will be established for humbling them by degrees, until all opposition to arbitrary power is subdued. The manner, however, in which you should meet this violent act should be well weighed. The proceedings of the Colonies, in consequence of it, will be read and regarded as manifestos. Great care, therefore, should be taken to word them unexceptionably and plausibly. They should be prefaced with the strongest professions of respect and attachment to this country; of reluctance to enter into any dispute with her; of the readiness you have always shown, and still wish to show, of contributing according to your ability, and in a constitutional way, to her support; and of your determination to undergo every extremity rather than submit to be enslaved. These things tell much in your favour with moderate men, and with Europe, to whose interposition America may yet owe her salvation, should the contest be serious and lasting. In short, as we are the weaker, it becomes us to be suaviter in modo, however we may be determined to act fortiter in re. There is a persuasion here that America will see, without interposition, the ruin of Boston. It is of the last importance to the general cause, that your conduct should prove this opinion erroneous. If once it is perceived that you may be attacked and destroyed by piecemeal, actum est, every part will in its turn feel the vengeance which it would not unite to repel, and a general slavery or ruin must ensue. The Colonies should never forget Lord North's declaration in the House of Commons, that he would not listen to the complaints of America until she was at his feet. The character of Lord North, and the consideration of what surprising things he has effected towards enslaving his own country, makes me, I own, tremble for ours. Plausible, deep, and treacherous, like his master, he has no passions to divert him, no pursuits of pleasure to withdraw him, from the accursed design of deliberately destroying the liberties of his country. A perfect adept in the arts of corruption, and indefatigable in the application of them, he effects great ends by means almost magical, because they are unseen. In four years he has overcome the most formidable opposition in this country, from which the Duke of Grafton fled with horror. At the same time he has effectually enslaved the East India Company, and made the vast revenue and territory of India, in effect, a Royal patronage. Flushed with these successes, he now attacks America; and certainly, if we are not firm and united, he will triumph in the same manner over us. In my opinion, a general resolution of the Colonies to break off all commercial intercourse with this country, until they are secured in their liberties, is the only advisable and sure mode of defence. To execute such a resolution would be irksome at first, but you would be amply repaid, not only in saving your money, and becoming independent of these petty tyrants, the merchants, but in securing your general liberties.

You are, however, more capable of judging what is proper and practicable. My great wish is to see you firm and united.        Adieu.          Yours affectionately,

ARTHUR LEE.

Richard H, Lee.

MR. BOLLAN TO THE COMMITTEE.

Covent Garden, March 22, 1774.

GENTLEMEN: Contrary to my information, received from several officers of the House of Commons, the forenoon of the 10th, who supposed American affairs would be deferred to some day this week, the Bill, of which you have a copy enclosed, was brought into the House in the afternoon, and being read, no debate ensued; whereupon, yesterday was appointed for the second reading. Before that took place Sir Joseph Mawby moved that I might be heard in support of my Petition, which being opposed by Administration, was: refused, chiefly on this ground, that it did not relate to the Bill depending; but in the course of the opposition it was allowed there would be a time for my being heard upon a proper Petition. Sir George Savile, who first came out of the House, told me he had endeavoured to have the time ascertained when I should be heard; but this was not done. Afterwards, the Lord Mayor coming out with Sir Joseph Mawby, they declared their readiness to promote another Petition, after giving me some farther information hereupon. Before they came out the Bill had been read a second time, and committed for to-morrow, when I expect the debates will take place. As soon as this hasty letter is concluded I shall apply myself to the preparation of another Petition, proper, and least objectionable.

Enclosed you have copies of the past proceedings in the House, received from the proper officer.

I am, with the greatest respect for you, gentlemen, and the other members of the Council, your most obedient and most humble servant,

W. BOLLAN.

The Hon. John Erving, Wm. Brattle, James Bowdoin, and James Pitts, Esqrs.

MR. BOLLAN TO THE COMMITTEE.

Covent Garden, March 23, 1774.

GENTLEMEN: I am just returned from the House of Commons, to which I went in order to have my second Petition, whereof you a have a copy enclosed, presented, before the House was resolved into a Committee of the Whole, for their consideration of the Bill for the port of Boston;—although in some doubt whether this was the proper time for presenting my Petition, which opposed the principle of the Bill, being determined to petition as soon as possible, to prevent your adversaries saying I did not come in season. When there I shewed my Petition to Sir George Savile, having not found him at home, in order to his supporting the motion for its admission. Upon his perusal he said he saw nothing at all improper in it, observing at the same time that he was not well acquainted with the forms of proceedings. Soon after I met with Sir Joseph Mawby, who, on reading the Petition, and being informed of what Sir George had said, readily declared he would present it before the House went into a Committee. Afterwards he came out and told me that he had shewed it to the Speaker, spoken to the Clerk of the House, and consulted the friends of the Petition, upon the proper time of its presentation, and that it was agreed on all hands that my Petition, opposing the principle of the Bill, could not be regularly presented now, because the Bill itself might be lost in the Committee; but the proper time of presenting it, wherein the Speaker agreed it would be admissible, was before the third reading of the Bill; and so the matter rests at present. While at the House I understood the objection mentioned to me some days ago by Sir Joseph, gained ground, to wit, that the Bill as it now stands gave no election for paying the value of the tea destroyed, and thereby preventing the shutting up of the j ort, but proposed to shut it up directly, to be opened oft condition: of future payment, which would be a precipitate, compulsory proceeding, without any certain necessity; and it seemed to me not improbable that some temperament of this nature might take place to day. However 'tis necessary for me to save the present ship, to despatch what little I have said, without waiting for any thing more.

I am, with the greatest respect for you, gentlemen, and the other members of the Council, your most obedient and most humble servant,

W. BOLLAN.

The Hon. John Erving, Wm. Brattle, James Bowdoin, and James Pitts, Esqrs.

A GENTLEMAN IN LONDON TO A FRIEND IN'ANNAPOLIS, MD.

London, March 31, 1774.

DEAR SIR: This covers a Bill brought into the House of Commons by Lord North, against the town of Boston, for destroying the tea sent out on account of the East India Company; by its complexion: you may judge what will be the fate of America. I am sorry to see what little opposition it met with in the House of Commons—