clerk (St. Clair) of Westmoreland county, who had the audacity, without any authority, to commit a Magistrate in the legal discharge of his trust, unless he (St. Clair) can prevail, by proper submission, on Mr. Conolly, to demand his pardon of me. I am, sir, your most obedient humble servant,

DUNMORE.

John Penn, Esquire.

MEMORANDUM. 31st March, 1774.

The Governor having taken the foregoing letter into consideration, with the advice of the Council, wrote a letter this day to the Earl of Dunmore, in answer thereto, and sent the same by express, which letter follows in these words, viz:

Philadelphia, 31st March, 1774.

MY LORD: I was favoured with yours of the third of this month by express, which arrived when several of the gentlemen of the Council were out of town, and it being also my rule to consult the Council upon all occasions of a public nature, I could not possibly give your Lordship's letter an answer by the return of your messenger, who stayed but a very short time in town. I am sorry the papers I enclosed you had not the desired effect. I never expected they would be taken as decisive of the boundaries of Pennsylvania, as conclusive upon your Government, but I had reason to hope they contained such information as would show at least a very strong probability that Pittsburg, the place of dispute, was within this Province, and not subject to the Government of Virginia, and from them I concluded you would be convinced of the impropriety of a step which I conceived must have been taken upon a supposition that that place was certainly beyond our limits. But I perceive your Lordship hath taken up an opinion that it is not material whether it be within our charter bounds or not, and that the right of the proprietors of Pennsylvania to the country about Pittsburg must be founded on better authority than the Royal grant! And as your Lordship seems to imagine yourself supported in this sentiment by our own principles in Lord Camden's

"2. That to carry this resolve into execution, a firm and rigorous opposition ought to be given to all persons who shall attempt to betray our liberties, either by purchasing or vending the said tea.

"3. That we are determined to have no agency in landing or storing the said tea.

"4. That as our liberties, with respect to this imposition, must effectually be secured by a strict adherence to the preceding resolves, we do not conceive it necessary or expedient to hazard the peace of the city, by opposing the landing or storing the said tea with force.

"Dated in New York, the — day of December, 1773."

But the general sense of the citizens ran so much against the last resolve, that they were obliged to abandon the project on Tuesday; having been able, with the utmost industry, to procure, only a few subscribers. In the evening of that day, an express arrived, with an account of the destruction of the tea at Boston; which made so deep an impression on the minds of those who were foremost in promoting the last mentioned resolves, that some of them declared, that the tea expected, would not be safe in the city.

In this state matters continued until the tea ship had arrived, and we had received intelligence from Philadelphia that Captain Chambers had taken on board eighteen boxes of fine tea, at the port of London, attended with a regular clearance. The arrival of the tea ship at the Hook, induced the Committee of Correspondence, who relied on the well known general sense of the inhabitants, to appoint a Committee of Observation, to attend her, and to watch the arrival of Captain Chambers. When Captain Lockyer came up to town, he was informed by the city Committee, antecedent to the appointment of the Committee of Observation, that the general sense was fully against the landing of the tea; and attended him to the house of the Honorable Henry White, Esquire, one of his Majesty's Council, and one of the consignees, where they informed him that the same general sense was, that he should not presume to go near the custom-house; but make the utmost despatch in procuring necessaries for his voyage. To this declaration, which was fully authorized by the above mentioned transactions, he answered, that as the consignees would not receive the tea, he would comply with the injunction. The city Committee, appointed four other Committees to watch the ship London, on her coming into the harbour, and attend her day and night, till her cargo should be discharged. Saturday, the 23d of April, being fixed for Captain Lockyer's departure, an handbill was circulated by the Committee: signifying it to be the desire of a number of citizens, that, added to the declaration he had received of the general sense of the inhabitants against landing of the tea, he should, from a convention of the people, have ocular demonstration of our detestation of the measures of the Ministry and East India Company, to enslave us.

The friends of the country were therefore desired to attend his embarkation, at the appointed time, at Murray's wharf; which would be notified an hour before hand, by a general peal of the bells. To add to the striking solemnity, it was fortunately proluded by the arrival of Captain Chambers, on Friday; and the destruction of his tea, by some of the impatient inhabitants, at an earlier hour than was destined for that purpose. The next morning, all the church bells of the city, for it is again repeated, sounded the general joy of the inhabitants, on our deliverance from the odious burden. And this may be relied on, as a true and authentic narrative of our opposition to the scheme of subjecting us to a duty on tea, from its first projection, to the fruitless attempt to execute it.

This state of facts, must abundantly prove the general sense of the loyal, free people of this Colony, to be permanently and unalterably fixed against Parliamentary imposts on America. For, to what other principle, can the non-importation agreement be attributed? Are men easily induced to shut up the main avenues to the support of themselves and their families? Must not the call to such a measure be the loudest, and most irresistible? Or can the trade of the capital of a large and populous country be essentially impeded by the virtue of a few? By no means, nothing less than the sense; nothing short of the determined resolution of a great majority could produce an event so important in its nature; an event which must unavoidably have sharpened the edge of a thousand wants.

But who pan pretend that public virtue and public spirit were confined to this City, while the Journals of our Assembly so emphatically declare the sense of the whole Province? How small is the representation of this capital when compared to that of the rest of the Colony? And by what kind of reason or example can it be shown, that a prevalent interest in a representative body, can by a trifling minority, be induced belie their constituents, and make them speak a language contrary to their sentiments? Again, what may we justly infer from the spirited declaration of our rights, on the 31st of December, 1768, the resolve and vote of thanks of the 10th of April, 1769, in which the merchants of this city, were so highly, and so justly complimented for their disinterested and self-denying patriotism, manifested in the non-importation agreement? Surely nothing less than that the general voice of the people of all ranks, and in all quarters of the Colony, was raised in favour of liberty, and against Parliamentary impositions.

The restriction of our original non-importation agreement, and its present subsistence, under that modification, is the clearest proof of our permanent resolution, that commerce and liberty shall keep pace with each other; and serves as a standing memorial, that we scorn to have more of the former, than is consistent with our due enjoyment of the latter? Had not the spies of Administration here been fully convinced that the pulse of freedom beat high in every vein; that the constitutional resolves of our representatives, on the most interesting points, spoke the universal language of their constituents, could their information have produced the fruitless and merely verbal suspension of our internal power of legislation? By no means. This would have been an attempt to punish every individual for the transgressions of a few. It is therefore, to a demonstration evident, that the Genius of Liberty spreads her banner over the whole Colony.

Moreover, when we consider that Parliamentary taxations, are not as to their present value, a matter of moment, either to the mother country, or the Colonies; that the contention between us, is upon the points of principle and precedent; that it is not the quantum, but the manner of exacting those unconstitutional imposts, which is the bone of contention, our public jealousies must necessarily be increased.

When the taxation was more general, there was some colour for the assertion in the Revenue Act, that it was intended for the safety and defence of the Colonies. But it is not only true, that this cannot be asserted of the paltry duty on tea; we know, we were assured by our enemies, that when the other articles charged by the Revenue Act were exempted by the partial repeal, the duty on tea was left as a. standing memorial of the right of Parliament to tax Americans.

We have, therefore, no reason to believe that our spirit of liberty, founded on a just constitutional basis, waxes cooler as the design of enslaving us grows more evident. The contrary is most true; it has become more inveterate by habit; and is increased by every fresh evidence, of a fixed resolution to reduce us to bondage. Who then can wonder at the firmness and animation of the people of all ranks; so conspicuous in every line of our association paper? Who can wonder that such vast numbers, after the most cool deliberation, gave it their sanction?

Who cannot well account for that universal suffrage of a public meeting of our inhabitants in its favour, after it had been signed, and their laudable and animated rejection of a temporising expedient of Government, ineffectually calculated to cool our ardour, and lay public jealousy asleep? To what principle can our attention to the unanimity of the Colonies, be ascribed; when at the same public meeting, a Committee was unanimously chosen, to correspond with our brethren on the common interest? Can any one in his senses, imagine, that the American Lion, which has once roared so loudly, as to have been heard with astonishment, across the Atlantic, is now fallen asleep? What has been done by Administration, to quell his rage? Oil the contrary, are they not daily practising every art to exasperate him? And yet an anonymous scribbler has had the unparalleled effrontery to arraign our late political manœuvres; to contrast the tailors and coblers with the loyal and sensible inhabitants of the city of New York; to attribute that to a few, which is evidently expressive of the sentiments of the whole body of our citizens.

With this view he begins his truly contemptible production, by asking, What is the Committee of Observation? And by whom were they appointed? Let him receive his answer from the above state of facts. They were a select Committee, nominated for the express purpose of watching the tea ship, and Captain Chambers; nominated by the city Committee, who were appointed at a general meeting of its inhabitants, and a number of the citizens, to prevent the landing of dutied tea. This he must know. How impertinent, then, is his other question concerning the authority by which a man, acting in the character of an enemy to his country, was amened. to their tribunal. If the fact was really so, it is evident that he was summoned in virtue of a delegation of a general meeting. But the truth in, that it was the city Committee before whom he was arraigned. The cause of his arraignment was a breach of the non-importation agreement, solemnly entered into by his owners; and to which, by his orders, if he was in heart averse to it, he was, nevertheless, bound to pay implicit obedience. How insolently does the scribbler inquire, who, and upon what authority, says that the sense of the city was asked about the dismission of Captain Lockyer, or the destruction of the tea? If he can want an answer, let him take it from the association paper; from