safety; and that man will approve himself the best friend to his country whose highest emulation is to inculcate those principles both by precept and example.

The nomination of the fifty gentlemen made at the Exchange, on the 16th instant, was then submitted by Mr. Low, and confirmed by the meeting, and Mr. Francis Lewis was added to the number by unanimous consent.

New-York, Monday, May 23, 1774.

The Committee appointed to correspond with our sister Colonies upon all matters of moment, met at the Coffee House, pursuant to notice for that purpose given: Present,

The Committee proceeded to choose Mr. Isaac Low, to be their Chairman, and Mr. John Alsop, their Deputy Chairman.

The Committee received a Letter from the body of Mechanics, signed by Jonathan Blake, their Chairman, informing them of their concurrence with the other inhabitants of this city, in their nomination.

Ordered, That Mr. Duane, Mr, Jay, and Mr. Van Schaack, be a Committee to draw up a set of Rules for the regulation of the Committee, and present the same to the next meeting.

Ordered, That the first five members on the list, who shall be in town be a Committee to open all letters directed to the Committee, in the absence of the Chairman and Deputy Chairman.

Letters from the Committee of Correspondence of Boston, with the Vote of the town of Botson, of the 13th instant, and a Letter from the Committee of Philadelphia, were read.

Ordered, That Mr. McDougall, Mr. Low, Mr. Dunne, and Mr. Jay, be a Committee to prepare and report a draft of an Answer to the Boston Committee, at eight o'clock, P. M.; to which hour the Grand Committee were then adjourned.

New-York, May 23, 1774.

The Committee met at the Coffee House, at 8 o'clock, in the evening, pursuant to adjournment: Present,

The Committee appointed this morning to prepare a draft of a Letter in answer to those received from Boston,

fluities,) "rouse at length, and stand up for the liberties of your country".

What is it but for the rich to part with gratifications which nature never called for, and for the poor to be at worst but temporary sufferers for the general good? What but for some to be temperate,, and all to be diligent? We have already seen, in one of the greatest towns in America, all ranks consenting thus to deny themselves for their country. Be, then, unanimous, and you shall be successful; be united and be free; be virtuous and be happy.

But let the Bostonians pay for the tea; it is but about eight thousand pounds sterling! As if our enemies were after nothing more than this small sum, doubtless greater than that cargo of seven year old tea was worth, which could not be got off in England, and, like, unsavoury gait, wib fit only to be trampled under foot, or thrown overboard; as if, in order to get this sum, they would lay out, none can tell how many times as much, more, in fitting out a fleet, and bribing men, who could not, without, reluctance, concur in their measures. Happy land! where the most deeply concerted stratagems of crafty tyrants are at once seen through by every one! May she never be guilty of forfeiting her liberty! Great would the crime be, since she must do it knowingly.

The English newspapars are stuffed with nonsensical declamations on the right of Parliament to have every farthing in America at their command, and with virulent invectives against the Bostonians. Those writers Are beneath, contempt. They could not think as they do were they not hired. It. is not ignorance in their heads, but, to use a strong scriptural phrase, "ignorance in their hearts," which makes them talk in this manner. Common sense refutes them all by this short question: How comes another by a right to take away my money without my consent? But, for our encouragement, let us remember, that some of the greatest and host men; in England wish us success; the merchants and manufacturers at home are greatly and generally dissatisfied already, and will soon fuel the cause of American liberty to be their own. In a word, let all our merchants unite as one man; let them strive against division in this, crisis of jeopardy; let them show themselves worthy of that, divine appellation, the fathers of their country." And let not the Ministers of the Gospel neglect their duty; let them remember the example of the Apostles, who embraced every opportunity of testifying their zeal for the civil and religions liberties of mankind; and while they teach men to consider their oppressors as "the rod of God's anger, and the staff of his indignation," lot them not fail to excits and encourage them to a hope of his interposition in their behalf, while they humble themselves by fasting and prayer, and are in use all proper means for deliverance.

The following DIALOGUE being conceived, in some measure, calculated to advance the cause of Freedom, in the present critical situation of affairs, is for that purpose presented to the public:—

Question. What think you of the Act of Parliament for shutting up the port of Boston?

Answers. It appears to me an unconstitutional and tyrannical Act, and that a submission to it will greatly endanger the liberties of America.

Question. But would not the Bostonians, making payment to the East India Company for the destruction of their tea, reduce every thing to its former situation?

Answer. I think not. The Act does not enable the King to appoint certain wharfs, quays, &c., for the lading and unlading of goods, until peace and obedience to the laws, are restored in the town of Boston; the East India Company paid for the tea; and until the officers of his Majesty's revenue, and others, shall receive satisfaction for what they have suffered. So that, however reasonable it may appear that the Company should be paid for their loss, yet the remaining terms are too humiliating and oppressive to be yielded to by men who have a sense of the blessings of freedom, and who possess the moans of securing them. When can the Governour of Boston venture to give a certificate that the officers of his Majesty's revenue, and others, have received full satisfaction? Where will the demands of those officers stop? And how many crouching submissions and offers of obedience to Parliamentary authority, will be expected by his Majesty before he will declare in Privy Council, that the Bostonians have manifested spirit of peace and obedience to the laws? But I will suppose (no! grant) that the Governor may have it in Ms power soon to discover all the persons who have been injured by the conduct of the Bostonians; that the demands of the sufferers will be moderate; no advantage taken of this golden opportunity to swell their damages; and that hit Majesty will be satisfied with general professions of a peaceable and obedient spirit. Can you, however, believe that the Governour will give such certificate, or his Majesty declare his acquiescence, till the unconstitutional duties have been paid? The words of the Act will warrant the demand of them, and I believe so good an opportunity of obtaining the grind desideratum will not be overlooked neglected. The words of the Act are, "Provided, also, that nothing herein contained shall enable his Majesty to appoint such port, wharf, &c, until it shall be certified that reasonable satisfaction hath been, made to the officers of his Majesty's revenue, and others, who suffered by the roits, and insurrections, &,c. May it not be said that the officers of his Majesty's revenue have suffered the loss of the duties by means of the riots, (as they are called,) and will it not with propriety be declared, that his Majesty is one of those "others" mentioned in the Act, who have suffered by the means aforesaid? since, had the tea not been destroyed he would have been entitled to the duty, and, if not paid, might have seized the tea to secure it. To me it appears inn high degree probable, that the duty which we have so nobly and universally testified against as unconstitutional, will be demanded; and that the want of an explicit declaration in the Act to that purpose, is to be attributed to ministerial art and contrivance to lead us on gradually In the gradually of humiliation till we cannot consistently recede.

I will, however, suppose, that neither the Governour nor his Majesty will make any demand of the duty; but, upon the above mentioned concessions, will proceed to execute the powers vested in him by the Act. In what condition will the Bostoniam then be? Will they after all this distressing submission, be re-instated in their former privileges? By no means. A great part of their property will be ravished from them, or rendered altogether useless. By the Act of Parliament the King may, after all proper concessions made, appoint the bound and limits of the port or harbour of Boston, and assign so many wharfs and quays for lading and unlading of goods, as his Majesty shall think expedient, and it shall not be lawful to land or put off iron any others. Here you see the property of all wharfs and water lots not licensed by his Majesty, is wrested from the hands of their proprietors, and without their consent, in the most arbitrary manner, rendered useless. By this Act, the merchant who had laid down at night in the possession of well earned affluence, rises; in the morning despoiled of his property, and will in vain look for redress from any other source than the spirit of freedom, and the union of his fellow Americans. If the Parliament of Great Britain are allowed to bring their laws upon your farms and your soil; to regulate your internal policy, and snatch from the honest proprietor his peaceable and well earned possessions, adieu to liberty and all the train of blessings that attend her! Why did you oppose the Stamp Act? Upon what principles make opposition to the Revenue Law? And wherefore is the virtuous struggle yet kept alive against the tyranny of the British Parliament? For no other