Ordered, That an Advertisement, signed by the Chairman, be published, requesting the inhabitants of this city and county to meet at the City Hall, on Thursday, the 7th instant, at 12 o'clock, to concur in the nomination of the foregoing five persons, or to choose such others in their stead as in their wisdom shall seem meet.*

The Committee then adjourned, until 6 o'clock, on Thursday evening, the 7th instant, then to meet at the Exchange.

New-York, 7th July, 1774.

The Committee met, by adjournment, at 6 o'clock, this evening, at the Exchange: Present,

A Letter, dated Albany, 29th June, 1774, from Jacob Lansing, was received and read.

Agreeable to the meeting advertised to be held at the City Hall this day, a number of citizens attended, and it was unanimously agreed that this Committee appoint a Committee of their body to attend with the Committee from the Mechanics, at Mr. Francis's, at 10 o'clock to-morrow morning, in order to appoint two or more persons in each Ward in this city, to take with them a list of the five persons nominated by this Committee, and also a list of the five persons nominated by the Committee of Mechanics, as Delegates to the proposed Congress; and exhibit to the freeholders, freemen, and such of the inhabitants who pay taxes, both lists, leaving it to their election to sign either; for the five names nominated by this Committee, or for the five nominated by the Committee of Mechanics, as they shall think fit.

Ordered, That the following persons be a Committee to attend the Committee of Mechanics for the aforesaid purpose: Joseph Hallett, Charles Shaw, Isaac Sears, Peter Goelet, Francis Lewis, Peter T. Curtenius, Richard Sharpe, Edward Laight, Joseph Bull.

The following motion was made by Mr. Thurman, and seconded by Mr. McEvers:

"Mr. Chairman: An advertisement appeared yesterday in the following words, viz:

"The enemies of the liberties of America being unwearied in misrepresenting the attachments of the inhabitants of this city to the common cause of this country to the neighbouring Colonies, a number of the citizens

* While the question on appointing Delegates to the General Congress was pending, the following publications appeared:

To the INHABITANTS of the BRITISH Colonies in AMERICA. Never did AMERICA behold so alarming a time as the present. The parent State is big with resentment against us for our late proceedings; and seems determined, at all events either to make us obedient to the laws of the British Parliament, or to cast us off, or let us cast off ourselves, and leave us freely to follow our own inventions. We seem as determined as they are, to abide by the issue; otherwise, we should not certainly encourage the people of BOSTON to refuse the payment of a just demand. And yet, ALL are ready to declare, that we cannot hope to withstand the POWER of Britain, if once she was to let loose her military indignation against us. God forbid that we should ever feel it— the consequences might be ruinous to her; to us they must assuredly prove utterly destructive. The British Legislature claims a right of regulation which WE professedly deny.

How shall the dispute between us be adjusted? How shall a FIRM FOUNDATION be laid for a future PERMANENT UNION? Surely not by opposing a military force, which, in the event, must infallibly over-power us; and then we shall have no claim of right—as being a conquered country. Surely not by making RESOLVES in town and county, and parish meetings:—for they can do nothing, if we may judge by experience, but inflame and irritate. Surely not by a GENERAL CONVENTION; for that is a measure which never should be adopted, unless we were resolved on the last extremes. Whatever may be the proceedings of such a body, it is too much to be apprehended that they will have no salutary influence on the British policy; because the Convention itself will be deemed unconstitutional, and having no existence in law, it may also be judged to be illegal. These, I hope, are the harshest terms it will be distinguished by; but much softer ones, I am too clear, it will not experience.

But we are aggrieved, and must have redress. Redress, I am confident, may be obtained; but, I fear, not by any of the means that we have hitherto fallen upon. We talk much of the CONSTITUTION: Constitutionally then let us act.

Let EVERY COLONY instruct its REPRESENTATIVES in GENERAL ASSEMBLY, to present an HUMBLE ADDRESS to THE KING, requesting the liberty of sending a certain number of their body to England at a fixed time, for the EXPRESS PURPOSE of settling with the National Council, a CONSTITUTION FOR AMERICA, which hitherto we have not enjoyed, but in idea; and let that settlement be FINAL.

This is a request which a most gracious SOVEREIGN would most gladly accede to; this is a measure which despotism itself could find no fault with; and in my humble opinion, it is the only measure which can ensure to us our liberties, save the effusion of human blood, and make our children's children adore the memory, and bless the wisdom of their ancestors, who not only preserved their country from destruction, but procured for them blessings—the blessings of right ascertained and acknowledged, with which former ages were almost wholly unacquainted.

Should it be objected that some of the Assemblies are dissolved, and not likely to be called again, so that their constituents could not have an opportunity of instructing their Representatives; the answer is obvious, that when such a disposition shall appear in the people, it cannot be doubted that all the Governours upon the Continent would readily embrace the favourable season, and give us all what ought to be our most ardent, and is our most patriotic wish to obtain.

NEW-YORK, July 5, 1774.

To the Author of a piece addressed to the Inhabitants of the BRITISH Colonies in AMERICA, dated NEW-YORK, July 5, 1774.

SIR: You Address as above, I have read with much attention; and happening to differ in opinion from you, in matters of importance only to the public, I hope you'll indulge me with the liberty of publishing my sentiments.

I agree with you, Sir, that America never did behold so alarming a time as the present; and that the parent State is big with resentment against us for our late proceedings. But who are to blame for our alarming situation, and for our late proceedings? The parent State or we? They for endeavouring to impose such laws upon us, or to deprive us of all our right to our own property; or we, for endeavouring to prevent the imposition? Surely Sir, the answer is obvious to all mankind. The parent State is to blame, and not we. But, you say, they seem determined to make us obedient to the laws of the British Parliament, or to cast us off. What then, Sir? Should the only happy country upon the face of the earth, should the great asylum for the distressed of all Europe, give up its right to its own property, because a present Ministry, and a present House of Commons seem determined that they should? I will venture to affirm, Sir, that if you consider this matter again, you will agree with me, that they ought not; and as to the casting us off, I am told that Britain receives too much advantage from the connection, to admit the idea. But we seem as determined as they to abide by the issue; otherwise, you say, we should not certainly encourage the people of Boston to refuse payment for the tea lately destroyed there. In this I have the honour of agreeing with you again; but you'll excuse my dissent when you say, Sir, that we encourage Boston to refuse the payment of a just demand. How is it possible, Sir, that the well known honour and honesty of the British Colonies could encourage a sister Colony to refuse the payment of a just demand. No, Sir, they do not; you quite mistake the encouragement the Colonies give upon that head; it is only to refuse the payment of an unjust demand; and a demand too that is as unjustly made. But you implicitly take it for granted, that the demand is just. What then, Sir, does that prove it to be so? Or is it a reason that the Colonies should do so too? I believe I may venture to inform you, that they consider particular circumstances, which that tea was under, which I think you would do well to consider too, before you attempt to publish again upon the subject. And pray, Sir, in the interim give free scope to your thoughts, and judge from your own reason, whether that same tea was not a felonious instrument wafted over the Atlantic, with the express and malicious design of murdering the rights and liberties of a whole Continent. The Colonies viewing the matter in this just point of light, can no more condemn its destruction, than you or I could the destruction of a weapon raised by the hand of an assassin to deprive us of life, limb, or private property. And let me assure you Sir, that while there is any private property left in the world, it will ever be defended by those who have it; though to the damage of those who would unjustly attempt to take it away. But you add, that the British Legislature claims a right of regulation, which we professedly deny. True, Sir, such a right of regulation, as would deprive us of all right to our own property, we both professedly and sincerely deny: and I believe will continue to do so, till the old principles of natural reason and justice are no more. But then you ask, "how can the dispute be adjusted?" I'll tell you, Sir, when our oppressors are convinced that it is more for their interest to treat us justly, than otherwise; and then, and not till then, will a firm foundation be laid for a permanent Union; and justice being the corner stone, then every subject of the Empire shall be acknowledged to have an equal right to his own property; and that no power on earth can take the whole or any part of it from him, but by his own consent, or that of his Representatives. I grant with you, Sir, that this foundation cannot be laid by opposing a military force; but should it be otherwise, should we be forced into a state of the most absolute slavery; I should take the liberty of denying your consequence, that, when conquered, we should have no claim of right, as being a conquered country; for even in that case we should have all the rights you are pleased to vouchsafe to us now, the sole right of petitioning. You seem to be very sure that our general resolves can do us no service; and that a General Convention will be ineffectual; for you say, "that is a measure that should never be adopted, unless we were "resolved on the last extremes." True, Sir, no more it ought. But America is now brought to the last extremity, to the very brink of the arbitrary gulf opened wide to devour her. And these being in our apprehensions necessarily tending to the last extremes, consequently in your opinion, a General Convention ought now to be adopted to resolve upon them. But you say again, that Convention will be deemed un-constitutional; I hope not by you, Sir, who have been so good as to allow it a right to meet upon the last extremity, to resolve upon the last extremes. But having no existence in law, you say also it may