Moulder,* Thomas Barclay* George Clymer,* Charles Thomson,* Jeremiah Warder, Jun.,* John Cox,* John Gibson,* and Thomas Penrose, compose the Committee of Correspondence until an alteration is made by a more general meeting of the inhabitants.

That the Committee be instructed to write to the people of Boston, that we truly feel for their unhappy situation. That we consider them us suffering in the general cause; that we recommend to them firmness, prudence and moderation; and that we shall continue to evince our firm adherence to the cause of American liberty.

That the above resolutions be transmitted by the Committee to the other Colonies.

That the Committee be instructed to apply to the Governour to call the Assembly of the Province.

That they be authorized to call a meeting of the inhabitants when necessary.

On the day following, these gentlemen of the Committee whose names are marked thus, * having met, the following letter was drawn up and signed by them, to be immediately forwarded by Mr. Paul Revere to Boston. Copies of it were transmitted to New-York, and most of the Southern Colonies. The gentlemen of the Committee who did not attend at the first meeting were prevented by necessary business, but the proceedings of that meeting have been since fully approved by them.

A Letter from the Committee of the City of Philadelphia to the Committee of Boston, sent by Mr. Paul Revere, dated May 21st, 1774:

GENTLEMEN: We have received your very interesting letter, together with another from the town of Boston, and the vote they have passed on the present alarming occasion; and such measures have been pursued thereon as the shortness of the time would allow. To collect the sense of this large city is difficult; and when their sense is obtained they must not consider themselves as authorized to judge or act for this populous Province in a business so deeply interesting as the present is to all British America.

A very respectable number of the inhabitants of this city was, however, assembled last evening, in order to consult what was proper to be done, and after reading the sundry papers you transmitted to us, and also a letter from the Committee of Correspondence at New-York, the enclosed resolves were passed, in which you may be assured we are sincere, and that you are considered as suffering in the general cause. But what further advice to offer on this sad occasion, is a matter of the greatest difficulty, which not only requires more mature deliberation, but also that we should take the necessary measures to obtain the general sentiments of our fellow-inhabitants of this Province, as well as our sister Colonies. If satisfying the East India Company for the damage they have sustained would put an end to this unhappy controversy, and leave us on the footing of constitutional liberty for the future, it is presumed that neither you nor we could continue a moment in doubt what part to act; for it is not the value of the tea, but the indefeasible right of giving and granting our own money; a right from which we never can recede. That is the matter now in consideration.

By what means the truly desirable circumstance of a reconciliation and future harmony with our mother country on constitutional grounds may be obtained, is indeed a weighty question. Whether by the method you have suggested of a non-importation and non-exportation agreement, or by a general Congress of Deputies from the different Colonies, clearly to state what we conceive our rights, and to make a claim or petition of them to his Majesty, in firm, but decent and dutiful terms, so as that we may know by what line to conduct ourselves in future, we now the great points to be determined. The latter, we have reason to think, would be most agreeable to the people of this Province, and the first step that ought to be taken; the former may be reserved as our last resource, should the other fail, which, we trust, will not be the case, as many wise and good men in the mother country begin to see the necessity of a good understanding with the Colonies upon the general plan of liberty as well as commerce.

We shall endeavour, as soon as possible, to collect the sentiments of the people of this Province, and the neighbouring Colonies, on these grand questions, and should also be glad to know your sentiments thereon; in the mean time, with sincere fellow-feelings of your sufferings, and great regard to your persons, we are, gentlemen,

Yours, &c, &c.,

GOUVERNEUR MORRIS TO MR PENN.

New-York, May 20th, 1774.

DEAR SIR: You have heard, and you will hear, a great deal about politics, and in the heap of chaff you may find some grains of good sense. Believe me, sir, freedom and religion are only watchwords. We have appointed a Committee, or rather we have nominated one. Let me give you the history of it. It is needless to premise, that the lower orders of mankind are more easily led by specious appearances than those of a more exalted station. This, and many similar propositions, you know better than your humble servant.

The troubles in America, during Grenville’s administration, put our gentry upon this finesse. They stimulated some daring coxcombs to rouse the mob into an attack upon the bounds of order and decency. These fellows became the Jack Cades of the day, the leaders in all the riots, the belwethers of the flock. The reason of the manœuvre in those who wished to keep fair with the Government, and at the same time to receive the incense of popular applause, you will readily perceive. On the whole, the shepherds were not much to blame in a politic point of view. The belwethers jingled merrily, and roared out liberty, and property, and religion, and a multitude of cant terms, which every one thought he understood, and was egregiously mistaken. For you must know the shepherds kept the dictionary of the day, and, like the mysteries of the ancient mythology, it was not for profane eyes or ears. This answered many purposes; the simple flock put themselves entirely under the protection of these most excellent shepherds. By and bye behold a great metamorphosis, without the help of Ovid or his divinities, but entirely effectuated by two modern Genii, the god of Ambition and the goddess of Faction. The first of these prompted the shepherds to shear some of their flock, and then, in conjunction with the other, converted the belwethers into shepherds. That we have been in hot water with the British Parliament ever since every body knows. Consequently these new shepherds had their hands full of employment. The old ones kept themselves least in sight, and a want of confidence in each other was not the least evil which followed. The port of Boston has been shut up. These sheep, simple as they are, cannot be gulled as heretofore. In short, there is no ruling them; and now, to leave the metaphor, the heads of the mobility grow dangerous to the gentry, and how to keep them down is the question. While they correspond with the other Colonies, call and dismiss popular assemblies, make resolves to bind the consciences of the rest of mankind, bully poor printers, and exert with full force all their other tribunitial powers, it is impossible to curb them.

But art sometimes goes farther than force, and, therefore, to trick them handsomely a Committee of patricians was to be nominated, and into their hands was to be committed the majesty of the people, and the highest trust was to be reposed in them by a mandate that they should take care, quod respublica non capiat injuriam. The tribunes, through the want of good legerdemain in the senatorial order, perceived the finesse; and yesterday I was present at a grand division of the city, and there I beheld my fellow-citizens very accurately counting all their chickens, not only before any of them were hatched, but before above one half of the eggs were laid. In short, they fairly contended about the future forms of our Government, whether it should be founded upon aristocratic or democratic principles.

I stood in the balcony, and on my right hand were ranged all the people of property, with some few poor dependants, and on the other all the tradesmen, &c, who thought it worth their while to leave daily labour for the good of the country. The spirit of the English Constitution has yet a little influence left, and be a little. The remains of