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it, however, will give the wealthy people a superiority this time, but would they secure it they must banish all schoolmasters and confine all knowledge to themselves. This cannot be. The mob begin to think and to reason. Poor reptiles! it is with them a vernal morning they are struggling to cast off their winter’s slough, they bask in the sunshine, and ere noon they will bite, depend upon it. The gentry begin to fear this. Their Committee will be appointed, they will deceive the people, and again forfeit a share of their confidence. And if these instances of what with one side is policy, with the other perfidy, shall continue to increase, and become more frequent, farewell aristocracy. I see, and I see it with fear and trembling, that if the disputes with Great Britain continue, we shall be under the worst of all possible dominions; we shall be under the domination of a riotous mob.

It is the interest of all men, therefore, to seek for reunion with the parent State. A safe compact seems, in my poor opinion, to be now tendered. Internal taxation is to be left with ourselves: The right of regulating trade to be vested in Great Britain, where alone is found the power of protecting it. I trust you will agree with me, that this is the only possible mode of union. Men by nature are free as air. When they enter into society, there is, there must be, an implied compact, for there never yet was an express one, that a part of this freedom shall be given up for the security of the remainder. But what part? The answer is plain. The least possible, considering the circumstances of the society, which constitute what may be called its political necessity.

And what does this political necessity require in the present instance? Not that Britain should lay imposts upon us for the support of Government, nor for its defence; not that she should regulate our internal police. These things affect us only. She can have no right to interfere. To these things we ourselves are competent. But can it be said that we are competent to the regulating of trade? The position is absurd, for this affects every part of the British Empire, every part of the habitable earth. If Great Britain, if Ireland, if America, if all of these to make laws of trade, there must be a collision of these different authorities, and then who is to decide the vis major? To recur to this, if possible to be avoided, is the greatest of all great absurdities.

Political necessity, therefore, requires, that this power should be placed in the hands of one part of the Empire. Is it a question which part? Let me answer by taking another. Pray, which part of the Empire protects trade? Which part of the Empire receives almost immense sums to guard the rest? And what danger is in the trust? Some men object that England will draw all the profits of our trade into her coffers. All that she can, undoubtedly. But unless a reasonable compensation for his trouble be left to the merchant here, she destroys the trade, and then she will receive no profit from it.

If I remember, in one of those kind letters with which you have honoured me, you desire my thoughts on matters as they rise. How much pleasure I take in complying with your requests let my present letter convince you. If I am faulty in telling things which you know better than I do, you must excuse this fault, and a thousand others, for which I can make no apology. I am, sir, &c.

Mr. Penn.

GOUVERNEUR MORRIS.


Newport, Rhode Island, May 20, 1774.

At a town meeting, called and held at Newport, in the Colony of Rhode Island, the 20th day of May, 1774:

HENRY WARD, Esq., Moderator,

Voted, That we have the deepest sense of the injuries done to the town of Boston, by the Act of Parliament lately passed for putting an end to their trade, and destroying the port. And that we consider this attack upon them as utterlv subversive of American liberty; for the same power may at pleasure destroy the trade, and shut up the ports of every Colony in its turn; so that there will be a total end of all property.

Voted, That we will unite with the other Colonies in all reasonable and proper measures to procure the establishment of the rights of the Colonies upon a just and permanent foundation; and particularly, in case the other Colonies shall, upon this alarming occasion, put a stop to their trade to Great Britain and the West Indies, that we will heartily join with them in the measure,

Voted, That the Committee of Correspondence for this town, immediately transmit a copy of these resolutions to the Committee of Correspondence for the town of Boston.

Voted, That the Committee of Correspondence of this town immediately send a copy of the above resolutions to each town in this Colony.*

WILLIAM CODDINGTON, Town Clerk.


GENERAL GAGE TO GOVERNOUR TRUHBULL.

Boston, May 20th, 1774.

SIR: His Majesty having judged fit to order me to return to my command of his forces in North America, and also to appoint me to be Governour of his Province of the Massachusetts Bay, I think it necessary to acquaint you therewith, and at the same time to assure you of my readiness to co-operate with you in all matters that concern the good of his Majesty's service, and the welfare of his subjects.

I have the honour to be, with great regard, sir, your most obedient humble servant,

THOMAS GAGE.

To the Honourable John Trumbull, &c.


EXTRACT OF A LETTER TO SUNDRY GENTLEMEN IN NEW-YORK.

Boston, May 21, 1774.

On receipt of your letter by express, on advice of the late tyrannical Acts of Parliament, we of the Committee specially assembled, and feasted on the welcome repast. A general joy spread through the whole city, who had the most pleasing resentment of the noble and patriotic generosity of our worthy brethren in New-York, who even prevented our solicitations for assistance. We are in the most assiduous and vigorous motion here. We have sent circular letters to every town and district in the Province; and though we have not had time to receive answers from distant towns, we have this day received from an inland town a full declaration of their resolution to stand by us with their lives and fortunes: another topic for Wedderburne to harangue upon. The British merchants themselves have already began to anticipate our non-importation agreement, which will be confirmed by a brig which sailed yesterday for London, with countermands and letters enough expressive of the general sense of the Colonies, as far as we have been able to collect it.

The friends of Government (or rather despotism) here, finding their patron Hutchinson in the deepest distress, have been handing about an address to him, applauding his virtue and public spirit, declaring his letters quite harmless, and imploring his interposition with his Majesty on their behalf; at least that the port may be opened; some of them have talked loudly of giving largely to the sum proposed to be raised by them to compensate the East India Company's loss in their tea; but this project drags heavily, though Mr. Hutchinson sent word to the town, that in case they would pay only the first cost of the tea, he would engagethat every thing else should be made easy. They absolutely tremble with a dread of the junction of the Colonies, and a suspension of the trade with Great Britain, which, at this critical season, must bury the authors of this complicated, treasonable conspiracy against the peace and security of the nation, in the ruins of their own scheme.

It is given out here, by some of the crew, that your Chamber of Commerce have written letters to Captain Chambers, offering, if he will be easy, and return, they will

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