I had a meeting with the late Governour, the Admiral, and Commissioners of the Customs, on the subject of putting the Act in force, in which, after putting some questions to the Attorney General, the Chief Justice being absent, they appeared to agree in the manner of it. The officers of the Customs remove tomorrow, when I also purpose to leave Boston, and the Admiral has stationed his ships.

No design has appeared of opposing the execution of the Act, nor do I see any possibility of doing it with effect; but many are impatient for the arrival of the troops, and I am told that people will then speak and act openly, which they now dare not do. General Haldimand took the opportunity of a vessel in the service to send a detachment of sixty artillerists, and eight pieces of ordnance, from New-York to Castle William, which I propose to encamp with the troops.

JOHN SCOLLAY TO ARTHUR LEE

Boston, May 31st, 1774.

SIR: Mr. Adams informs me that you kindly received the letter I wrote you in December last. This information prompts me to address you again. Letter writing, and on politics, is not my province, but such are the times, that that man’s heart must be callous indeed that does not feel for his country, and that does not give it out in every way. In short, we have all, from the cobbler up to the senator, become politicians.

On the morrow, that Act, cruel Act of our parent State, (or, rather, hard-hearted step-mother,) called the Boston Port Bill, is to take place, a Bill fraught with vengeance against this town. However, Lord North will find out himself, and that very soon, that he overshot his mark. That which he intended should operate against Boston only, will affect every town in this Province. The seaport towns will feel the operation of the Act, in a degree as much as Boston, Boston being the grand engine that gives motion to all the wheels of commerce, This being stopped, it will sensibly affect the whole trade of the Province. All the seaport towns depend on this to take off by far the greatest part of their imports; they cannot send a vessel to sea again after her return from a voyage, till they send her cargo to Boston to be sold. In short, all the running cash in the Province centres in this town. To this market all the trading towns repair with their goods to make money of them. Newburyport, Marblehead, and Salem, will most sensibly feel the shock, and if the blockade continues long they must haul up their vessels, for no place but Boston cap take off their cargoes. It is a most melancholy consideration, that this town, which was, and is now, the most flourishing in trade and commerce, must be devoted to destruction, and in a few days be brought to the forlorn condition of a deserted village. Thousands that depend on their daily labour for support, must be reduced to the greatest degree of distress and want. However, they will suffer in a good cause, and that righteous Being who takes care of the ravens who cry unto him, will provide for them and theirs. *********** For that purpose we have it in contemplation, if the blockade continues any length of time, to employ the poor in building a horse bridge over Charles river, a river about as wide as the Thames. By this bridge, Charlestown, a large and opulent town, will be joined to Boston. This bridge will greatly facilitate the intercourse between Boston, Marblehead and Salem, and other trading towns.

When the news first arrived of Lord North’s proposing this Bill in Parliament, it was looked on as a mere hum. People could not think that a British House of Commons would be so infatuated as to pass such a Bill, to punish a whole town for a trespass that was committed in it by nobody knows who, and to carry it into execution without giving the town an opportunity to answer to the charge, is an unheard of proceeding. Although it was designed this town should be ruined, yet I doubt not but that it will finally end in great good, not only to this town, but to all the Colonies. I believe, by this management, his Lordship’s fabric, which cost him so much labour, and afforded him so much delight, will be demolished, and instead of despotism and tyranny over the Colonies, a foundation will be laid for lasting peace and harmony between Great Britain and these Colonies. This may be looked on as visionary, but I think the crisis is near when this must take place, which is the warmest wish of every free-hearted North American. We have too great a regard for our parent State (although cruelly treated by some of her illegitimate sons) to withdraw our connection. Of her we have no idea of an independency, and the Colonies are too precious a jewel for the Crown to part with; therefore I think that the wisdom of the English nation, and that of the Colonies united, might fall on some plan of conciliating their differences, and fix on some principles for each party to resort to, as the great charter of agreement between the King and his Colonies, Such an event would make the Colonies happy, and the British nation great and prosperous.

As you will no doubt have the particulars of these matters handed to you by some of your friends, it will be needless for me to enlarge.

I hope you will excuse my troubling you with this epistle, and believe me to be, with great regard, sir, your most humble servant,

JOHN SCOLLAY.

Arthur Lee, Esquire, London.

Charlestown, South Carolina, May 31, 1774.

This morning a packet was received here, despatched from on board the brigantine Sea Nymph, Captain Moore, from a very respectable Committee at Philadelphia, enclosing letters from the Committees, and containing the first intelligence of the passing of the Act of Parliament for blockading of the town of Boston; which, if we may judge from the indignation with which it is every where received, will prove the crudest policy that ever disgraced a British Senate, and be the very means to perfect that union in America which it was intended to destroy, and finally restore the excellent constitution even of the mother country itself.

A LETTER TO THE INHABITANTS OF CHARLESTOWN SOUTH CAROLINA

Norfolk, May 31, 1774.

GENTLEMEN: The occasion is too serious to admit of apologies for this unsolicited communication of our sentiments to you, at this alarming crisis to American freedom; for the time is come, the unhappy era has arrived, when the closest union among ourselves, and the firmest confidence in each other, are our only securities for those rights, which as men and freemen, we derive from nature and the Constitution. The late hostile Parliamentary invasion of the town of Boston we deem an attack upon the liberties of us all. Of the particulars of that unhappy transaction, we presume, you are already fully informed, and, we doubt not, shudder with us at this systematic mode of depriving the unrepresented American of his rights and possessions, and vesting the Crown with such despotic power over the free-born inhabitants of the capital of the Massachusetts Bay. What measures are most proper to be adopted on this sad occasion we are at a loss to point out; but we look to the wisdom of your city, in conjunctions with the other large commercial towns on this Continent, to take more immediately the lead in these important matters, and to fix upon such expedients in the regulation of trade, as may be most productive of relief to our suffering brethren of Boston, and the general establishment of the rights of these Colonies. And you may rest assured that in every measure conducive to this grand Continental object, you will always meet with our most hearty concurrence. We are under great apprehensions for the people of Boston, least they may sink under the weight of their misfortunes. And at the same time that we highly approve of the expediency of a Congress, as proposed by several of the Colonies, we think the trading part of the community ought particularly to interfere; for nothing but the most speedy and efficacious measures can relieve them; and if after all, there should be found an unhappy necessity to reimburse the India Company for that just punishment they received for their ungenerous attempts on our liberties, we trust there is no inhabitant of these Colonies who feels and thinks himself a freeman, but will cheerfully put his hand to his purse, and join in the general expense.

Enclosed we transmit you the proceedings of the inha-