give up before force exacts a submission; if we are right, let us act like true patriots, and hold it out to the last, preferring one hour of virtuous liberty to a whole eternity of bondage.

The original source of contention, from which every particular act of opposition has sprung, is reducible to this simple question: Has the Parliament of Great Britain a right to tax America internally? I presume they have not. Two perfect rights can never interfere; if they have a just right to demand our property, we cannot in justice withhold it; and if they have a right to take from us one penny without our consent, for the same reason they have a right to the whole. From which this consequence is demonstrably evident: that we have no property at all, but are the vassals of the British House of Commons, holding all our possessions by their gracious forbearance, who have a right at pleasure, to take what, when, how much, and in any manner, they please. Or, in a word, I may say with Mr. Locke, "what property has any man in that which another has a right to take from him?"

It being proved that the Parliament has no right to tax America internally, it follows, that their claim is founded only in their superior strength. What name do we assign to that man, or body of men, who demands our property without any right, intending to prosecute the claim with an armed force? I blush to mention it, and shall only say, that the man who demands my money with a pistol at my breast is commonly called a robber; and that no proposition in Euclid is more capable of demonstration, than that such a man has as good a right to the money in my pocket as the House of Commons to tax us without our consent.

In this view of the matter, we are justified by the Constitution, by reason, by nature, yea, by God himself, in opposing, by every prudent measure, the payment of every such demand. Heaven approves the generous struggle.

We are only contending for our natural rights, and that liberty wherewith God has made us all free. The cause we are embarked in is good, and if any of the subordinate means used have been rash, the blame of them lies at the door of those who, by oppression, (which will make a wise man mad) have hurried the loyal Americans unadvisedly into them.

We are, therefore, reduced to this dilemma, either to acknowledge ourselves tenants at will to the House of Commons, or resolutely oppose this claim by every prudent measure. What are the prudent measures? I answer, that all the Americans should unite, firmly resolved to stand by one another even to death; one great soul of harmony should animate this whole Continent, and dispose each one to consider an injury offered to any part as offered to himself. Hapless Boston! that firmest bulwark of American liberty, is doomed to be the first victim at the altar of Ministerial vengeance. Shall we stand by indifferent spectators because we were spared? Surely, no! The free-born soul of every genuine patriot resents the guilty thought, and resolves to stand or fall with these firm defenders of our common rights. To enforce this union more, give me leave to observe, that New-York and Philadelphia are in the same predicament with Boston; and what is Charles-town behind either? Have not all obstructed the operation of one unconstitutional British Act of Parliament? And where is the mighty difference between destroying the tea, and resolving to do it, with such firmness as intimidated the Captains to return? Besides, did not every Province applaud the Bostonians with high commendations of their zeal for American liberty? I humbly hope they will act so far consistent with themselves, as to resent the treatment offered to that town as though it were offered to every other one. The contrary conduct would be ungenerous, cruel, and contrary to the true interest of the whole.

Why are the Bostonians destined for the first sacrifice? Not because they are most guilty; but because the Ministry would fondly divide the Province—divide and destroy—an attempt to punish all at once might unite all. If they ever can subjugate the free spirit of New England, (which may God forbid,) that instant the evil genius of tyranny will begin to stalk over these Provinces with gigantic strides, blasting the fruits of our virtuous industry. Where gay fields now smile, bedecked in the yellow robe of full eared harvest, soon would desolation frown over the uncultivated earth. Suns would in vain arise, and in vain would showers descend; for who would be industrious when others would reap the fruit of his labour? After the subjugation of Boston, New-York, and Philadelphia, our turn would be next. Methinks I see our courts of justice removed—our harbour blockaded—navigation stopped—ourstreets crowded with soldiers, insulting the peaceable inhabitants, and raising provisions to a starving price—and, after a little time, the now flourishing Charlestown reduced to a neglected plain.

Rise just indignation! Rise patriotism! and every public virtue! to the aid of our much injured country. Let us convince the world that Britons will be Britons still, in every age and clime. Let us instantly join our sister Colonies and resent the treatment offered by every possible means, whilst our united opposition can avail. Let us heartily unite in some well digested general plan that cannot fail to operate to the early relief of our brethren In Boston, now actually suffering in the common cause of American liberty. Let us begin by abolishing all parties and distinctions—abandoning luxury and pleasure—and establishing economy. Let us nobly determine to make a willing sacrifice of our private interest to this glorious cause—this cause of infinite importance. Let us enter into solemn resolutions not to import any British goods, (a very few necessary articles excepted) and determine firmly and strictly to adhere to them till the privileges of Boston are restored—the Tea Duty repealed—and the right of internal taxation given up. Let us, (if we are driven to that extreme necessity, and nothing less can restore us to our Constitutional freedom,) even desist to export—in which case it will be expedient that we determine not to distress each ether by suits, and apply to the gentlemen of the law to decline business. Let us endeavour to make the union amongst ourselves, as well as with our sister Colonies, as perfect as human means can render it. "By uniting we stand, by dividing we fall." I foresee many inconveniences that will arise from every measure we can pursue; but I maintain it, they are infinitely short of what would follow on our giving up the point is dispute. If the Parliament's claim of internal taxation be established, either by our consent or by a military force, that moment we are transformed into slaves—all our property at the absolute disposal of the House of Commons.

Death itself is an event devoutly to be wished in comparison of such a state. Let us then act wisely; of two evils choose the least—join with our sister Colonies in a determined proper opposition to tyranny. Resolve rather to die the last of American freemen, than live the first of American slaves.

ANNE ARUNDEL COUNTY (MARYLAND) RESOLUTIONS.

At a Meeting of a very considerable and respectable body of the Inhabitants of Anne Arundel County, inclusive of those of the City of Annapolis, on Saturday, the 4th day of June, 1774.

Mr. BRICE THOMAS BEALE WORTHINGTON, Moderator.

1. Resolved, unanimously, That it is the opinion of this meeting, that the town of Boston is now suffering; in the common cause of America, and that it is incumbent on every Colony in America, to unite is effectual, means to obtain a repeal of the late Act of Parliament for blocking up the harbour of Boston.

2. Resolved, That it is the opinion of this meeting, that if the Colonies come into a joint resolution to stop all importations from, and exportations to Great Britain and the West Indies, till the said Act be repealed, the same will be the most effectual means to obtain repeal of the said Act, and preserve North America and her liberties.

3. Resolved therefore, unanimously, That the inhabitants of this county will join in an Association with the several counties in this Province, and the principal Colonies in America, to put a stop to exports to Great Britain, and the West Indies, after the ninth day of October next, or such other day as may be agreed on, and to put a stop to the imports of goods, not already ordered, and of those ordered that shall not be shipped from Great Britain, by the 20th day of July next, or such other day as may be