tect them, and to deliver assurances of their friendship to the publick, which can be produced if required.

3d. A large body of armed men broke open Mr. Mackay's and Mr. Smith's back yard gates, and rescued the villain Reily, who was sworn constable for Westmoreland County at that time, and was confined for abusing said Mackay in his own house; five of those men presented their guns at Mr. Mackay and Mr. Smith. Also, one of the party struck at Mr. Mackay with his gun and broke it in pieces, while another presented his rifle through his parlour window, swearing that he would shoot down Mrs. Mackay if she did not immediately set open the doors of her house; upon which she fled, but was immediately assaulted by one Aston (a Captain of said Conolly' s appointment) with a drawn sword, who stabbed her in the arm. Mr. Spear was also abused, and scratched, by said Aston, at the same time.

4th. Said Conolly, with an armed force of two hundred men, surrounded the Court House, &c.

5th. He sent Æneas Mackay, Devereux Smith, and Andrew McFarlane, Magistrates, under an armed guard, to Staunton jail, in Virginia, then proceeded to shoot down our cattle, sheep and hogs, taking, by force of arms, any part of our property he pleases; also, pressing our horses without applying for them, or rendering any satisfaction to the sufferers for so doing.

6th. He sent an armed guard to town to plunder the house of Mr. Devereux Smith, but was prevented by Mr. William Butler at the risk of his life.

7th. He, Conolly, with his whole force, came to the house of Mr. Mackay, broke open his gates, and pulled down a log stable and sheep house, threatening to pull down his dwelling house if he thought proper. He came again, accompanied by one of his officers, to Mr. Mackay's, and abused him in a blasphemous, outrageous manner, threatening to send him in irons to Virginia the next day.

8th. He sent an armed guard to town with a general search warrant to search every house in town without exception, for the effects of a man that died the evening before in their fort, that some of themselves had robbed his corpse off. In the course of their search they broke open a chest in a man's house that bears a good character here, and took out several articles, and at the same time insulted the owner.

9th. He sent a party who robbed Mr. Joseph Spear's carriers of one horse load of gunpowder, about six miles from town, which was sent by said Spear for the use of the inhabitants of this county, if necessity required. This robbery was committed by a party headed by the aforesaid Aston, who beat and insolently abused the person who had said powder in charge, when he demanded a receipt for the same.

These are but a few of the many distresses we labour under, and without protection and speedy redress cannot long support ourselves under such grievances, persecution and tyranny.

THE COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE OF PENNSYLVANIA TO THE COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY.

Philadelphia, June 28, 1774.

GENTLEMEN: Your favour of the 28th ult., communicating to us, by order of your House, the Act of Parliament, "To discontinue, in such manner, and for such time, as are therein mentioned, the landing and discharging, lading and shipping, of goods, wares, and merchandise, at the town, and within the harbour of Boston," &c, is now before us, and we shall take the earliest opportunity to lay it before the House of Representatives of this Province.

We cannot consider this measure in any other light than an additional proof of a resolution in the mother state to draw a revenue from the subject in America without his consent. And, on this principle, we conclude that every British American Colony will esteem themselves intimately concerned in it. Under this idea of the intention of Parliament, it certainly behooves us coolly and dispassionately to meditate on the consequences, and to leave no rational or probable means unessayed to avoid them, and to obtain that relief which our rights as English subjects entitle us to demand.

What those means ought to be, we think the several branches of the American Legislatures, in which the people are constitutionally represented, and who are vested with their whole powers, ought to determine. We, therefore, only presume to give you our private sentiments, which must ever be subject to the amendment and controul of the body, of which we are only members, when we again mix with them.

We hope, and earnestly recommend, that the great cause of American rights may be left to the management of the Representatives of the people in every Colony, as they alone are vested with a constitutional power of inquiring into, and redressing those grievances, under which the subject may at any time be oppressed. Until this measure shall be fairly attempted, and a failure shall ensue, we cannot conceive the present dispute between Great Britain and the Colonies, can, with any propriety or prudence, be assumed by any other person whatever, or that in other hands any good consequences can be rationally expected. And as we are in a state of society where order, reason, and policy, ought to prevail, every measure which can only serve to irritate, and not convince, every act of violence, or even the appearance of it, should be carefully avoided, as they cannot, under our present circumstances, obtain us that relief we desire, and have a right to expect; but, on the contrary, may involve all America in difficulties which no after-wisdom or prudence can surmount.

A Congress of Delegates, chosen either by the Representatives in Assembly, or by them in Convention, appears to us the first proper step to be taken. Nor are we dubious but that it may be happily effected in a short time, should calm and prudent measures be pursued to obtain it. In this Congress, composed of the Representatives, constitutionally chosen, of all concerned, and who would of course act with weight and authority, something might be produced, by their united wisdom, to ascertain our rights, and establish a political union between the two countries, with the assent of both, which would effectually secure to Americans their future rights and privileges. Any thing short of this will leave the Colonies in their present precarious state; disunited among themselves, unsettled in their rights, ignorant of their duties, and destitute of that connection with Great Britain which is indispensably necessary to the safety and happiness of both. We are, &c.,

JOSEPH GALLOWAY, Speaker.
SAMUEL RHOADS,
WILLIAM RODMAN,
ISAAC PEARSON,
Committee of Correspondence.*

To the Committee of Correspondence of the Province of the Massachusetts Bay.

P. S. The Assembly of this Province are summoned, by the Governour's writs, to meet on the 18th of next month.

* NEW-YORK, July 14, 1774.—The Philadelphia paper of Monday last contains a letter from Joseph Galloway, (who styles himself Speaker,) and three others, who call themselves the Committee of Correspondence in the Province of Pennsylvania, to the Committee of Correspondence of the Province of Massachusetts Bay.

It does not appear by what authority these gentlemen have taken upon themselves to act as a Committee of Correspondence for the Province on this affair. The papers give an account of a more numerous Committee, composed of men of very different characters. The style and substance of the letter itself, though such as might be expected from the author of a well known piece published some years ago, signed Americanus, (in favour of the Stamp Act, and arbitrary power,) is by no means consistent, in style or sentiment, with the letters and resolves of any of the other Colonies; but, on the contrary, has a manifest tendency to discourage the people from doing any thing to the purpose on the present emergency. It does not so much as imply a censure upon the tyrannical Acts of the British Parliament, nor deny their authority, nor propose any means of preventing their effect, but rather suggests a submission to them. It denies the power of the people to do any thing, and absurdly asserts, that the sole power is constitutionally vested in the Representatives chosen by the people for the ordinary General Assembly; as if the people had no right to choose Delegates for any other purpose, or as if those chosen for the ordinary business of Assemblies were without a special commission from the people, authorized to determine upon so extraordinary and important a case as this. In short, it appears that Mr. Galloway, and the three other signers, have officiously taken upon them to write this letter, without any due authority from the people of the Province, who will disown the whole of it, and authorize their true Committee to write a letter that will really be to the purpose.