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impliedly, and in ours most expressly, subsists between the Prince and Subject.—For these prerogatives are vested in the Crown for the support of society, and do not intrench any farther on our natural liberties, than is expedient for the maintenance of our civil."
But it is our misfortune, that we are compelled loudly to call your attention to the consideration of another power, totally different in kind—limited, as it is alleged, by no "bounds," and * "wearing a most dreadful aspect," with regard to America. We mean the power claimed by Parliament, of right, to bind the people of these Colonies by statutes, in all cases whatsoever"—a power, as we are not, and from local circumstances, cannot be represented there, utterly subversive of our natural and civil liberties—past events and reason convincing us, that there never existed, and never can exist, a state thus subordinate to another, and yet retaining the slightest portion of freedom or happiness.
The import of the words above quoted needs no descant; for the wit of man, as we apprehend, cannot possibly form a more clear, concise, and comprehensive definition and sentence of slavery, than these expressions contain.
This power claimed by Great Britain, and the late attempts to exercise it over these Colonies, present to our view two events, one of which must inevitably take place, if she shall continue to insist on her pretensions. Either, the Colonists will sink from the rank of freemen into the class of slaves, overwhelmed with all the miseries and vices, proved by the history of mankind to be inseparably annexed to that deplorable condition: Or, if they have sense and virtue enough to exert themselves in striving to avoid this perdition, they must be involved in an opposition dreadful even in contemplation.
Honour, justice, and humanity, call upon us to hold, and to transmit to our posterity, that liberty which we received from our ancestors. It is not our duty to leave wealth to our children: But it is our duty to leave liberty to them. No infamy, iniquity, or cruelty, can exceed our own, if we, born and educated in a country of freedom, entitled to its blessings, and knowing their value, pusillanimously deserting the post assigned us by Divine Providence, surrender succeeding generations to a condition of wretchedness, from which no human efforts, in all probability will be sufficient to extricate them; the experience of all states mournfully demonstrating to us, that when arbitrary power has been established over them, even the wisest and bravest Nations, that ever flourished, have in a few years, degenerated into abject and wretched vassals.
So alarming are the measures already taken for laying the foundation of a despotick authority of Great Britain over us, and with such artful and incessant vigilance is the plan prosecuted, that unless the present generation can interrupt the work while it is going forward, can it be imagined that our children, debilitated by our imprudence and supineness, will be able to overthrow it, when completed? Populous and powerful as these Colonies may grow, they will still find arbitrary domination not only strengthening with their strength, but exceeding, in the swiftness of its progression, as it ever has done, all the artless advantages that can accrue to the governed. These advance with a regularity, which the divine Author of our existence has impressed on the laudable pursuits of his creatures: But despotism, † unchecked and unbounded by any laws—never satisfied with what has been done, while anything remains to be done for the accomplishment of its purposes—confiding and capable of confiding, only in the annihilation of all opposition—holds its course with such unabating and destructive rapidity, that the world has become its prey, and at this day, Great Britain and her Dominions excepted, there is scarce a spot on the globe inhabited by civilized Nations, where the vestiges of freedom are to be observed.
To us, therefore, it appears, at this alarming period, our duty to God, to our country, to ourselves, and to our posterity, to exert our utmost ability in promoting and establishing harmony between Great Britain and these Colonies, on a constitutional foundation.
For attaining this great and desirable end, we request you to appoint a proper number of persons to attend a Congress of Deputies from the several Colonies, appointed, or to be appointed, by the Representatives of the people of the Colonies respectively in Assembly, or Convention, or by Delegates chosen by the counties generally in the respective Colonies, and met in Provincial Committee, at such time and place as shall be generally agreed on; and that the Deputies from this Province may be induced and encouraged to concur in such measures as may be devised for the common welfare, we think it proper particularly to inform you how far we apprehend they will be supported in their conduct by their constituents.
[In this place was inserted the Argumentative part, which is here inserted at the end of the Instructions.]
The assumed Parliamentary power of internal legislation, and the power of regulating trade, as of late exercised, and designed to be exercised, we are thoroughly convinced will prove unfailing and plentiful sources of dissensions to our mother country and these Colonies, unless some expedients can be adopted to render her secure of receiving from us every emolument that can in justice and reason be expected, and us secure in our lives, properties, and an equitable share of commerce.
Mournfully revolving in our minds the calamities, that, arising from these dissensions, will most probably fall on us and our children, we will now lay before you the particular points we request of you to procure, if possible, to be finally decided; and the measures that appear to us most likely to produce such a desirable period of our distresses and dangers. We therefore desire of you:
First. That the Deputies you appoint may be instructed by you strenuously to exert themselves, at the ensuing Congress, to obtain a renunciation, on the part of Great Britain, of all powers under the statute of the thirty-fifth of Henry the Eighth, chapter the second, of all powers of internal legislation—of imposing taxes or duties, internal or external—and of regulating trade, except with respect to any new articles of commerce, which the Colonies may hereafter raise, as silk, wine, &c., reserving a right to carry these from one Colony to another—a repeal of all statutes for quartering troops in the Colonies, or subjecting them to any expense on account of such troops—of all statutes imposing duties to be paid in the Colonies, that were passed at the accession of his present Majesty, or before this time, which ever period shall be judged most advisable—of the statutes giving the Courts of Admiralty in the Colonies greater power than Courts of Admiralty have in England—of the statutes of the fifth of George the Second, chapter the twenty-second, and of the twenty-third of George the Second, chapter the twenty-ninth—of the statute for shutting up the port of Boston—and of every other statute particularly affecting the Province of Massachusetts Bay, passed in the last session of Parliament.
In case of obtaining these terms, it is our opinion that it will be reasonable for the Colonies to engage their obedience to the Acts of Parliament, commonly called the Acts of Navigation, and to every other Act of Parliament declared to have force at this time in these Colonies, other than those above mentioned, and to confirm such statutes by Acts of the several Assemblies. It is also our opinion, that taking example from our mother country, in abolishing the courts of wards and liveries, tenures in capite, and by knight's service and purveyance," it will be reasonable for the Colonies, in case of obtaining the terms before men.
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