in such a phrenzy of ambition. No! Our highest pride and glory has been, with humble unsuspecting duty* to labour in contributing to elevate her to that exalted station she holds among the Nations of the earth, and which, we still ardently desire and pray she may hold, with fresh accessions of fame and prosperity, till time shall be no more.

These being our sentiments, and, we are fully convinced, the sentiments of our brethren throughout the Colonies, with unspeakable affliction, we find ourselves obliged to oppose that system of dominion over us, arising from counsels pernicious both to our parent and her children—to strive, if it be possible, to close the breaches made in our former concord, and stop the sources of future animosities. And may God Almighty, who delights in the titles of just and merciful, incline the hearts of all parties to that equitable and benevolent temper, which is necessary solidly to establish peace and harmony in the place of confusion and dissension.

The legislative authority claimed by Parliament over these Colonies, consists of two heads: first, a general power of internal legislation; and, secondly, a power of regulating our trade; both, she contends, are unlimited. Under the first may be included, among other powers, those of forbidding us to† worship our Creator in the manner we think most acceptable to him—imposing taxes on us—collecting them by their own officers—enforcing the collection by Admiralty Courts, or Courts Martial—abolishing trials by jury—establishing a standing army‡ among us in time of peace, without consent of our Assemblies—paying them with our money—seizing our young men* for recruits—changing Constitutions of Government†—stopping the press—declaring any action, even a meeting of the smallest number, to consider of peaceable modes to obtain redress of grievances‡ high treason—taking Colonists to Great Britain to be tried ||—exempting "murderers"§ of Colonists from punishment, by carrying them to England, to answer indictments found in the Colonies¶—shutting up our ports—prohibiting us from slitting** iron to build our houses, making†† hats to cover our heads, or clothing to cover the rest of our bodies, &c.‡‡

receive with safety from us, because, by the adoption of Spanish maxims, she might with danger extort more?

It is the duty of every Colonist to oppose such maxims. They threaten ruin to our mother country and to us. We should be guilty of treason against our Sovereign and the majesty of the people of England, if we did not oppose them. England must be saved in America. Hereafter, she will rejoice that we have resisted, and thank us for having offended her. Her wisdom will in a short time discover the artifices that have been used by her worst enemies to inflame her against her dutiful children; that she has supported not her own cause, but the cause of an Administration; and will clearly distinguish which will most conduce to her benefit, safety, and glory, well treated and affectionate Colonies, or millions of slaves, an unnatural increase of her standing forces, and an addition to the influence of the Crown, defying all calculation.

* It has been suggested, "that subjects sometimes err, by not believing that Princes mean as well as they do." But the instances are numerous where princes and their courtiers err, by not believing that subjects mean as Well as they do.

† See Canada Bill.

‡ The army under the command of General Gage, in the Province of Massachusetts Bay alone, amounts to several thousand men, kept there without consent of their Assembly, and to be augmented as the General shall think proper.

"I must own, sir, I can pee but one reason for raising at this present juncture, this additional number of troops, and that is to strengthen the hands of the Minister against the next election, by giving him the power of disposing of commissions to the sons, brothers, nephews, cousins, and friends of such as have interest in boroughs, into some of which, perhaps, troops may be sent to procure the free election of their members, in imitation of the late Czarina sending her troops into Poland to secure the free election of a King.

"But still there is one thing more fatal than all I have yet named, that must be the consequence of so great a body of troops being kept on foot in England, and will be the finishing stroke to all our liberties. For, as the towns in England will not be able much longer to contain quarters for them, most of those who keep publick houses being near mined by soldiers billetted on them; so, on pretence of the necessity of it, barracks will be built for quartering them, which will be as so many fortresses with strong garrisons in them, erected in all parts of England, which can tend to nothing, but by degrees to subdue and enslave the Kingdom.

"But if ever this scheme should be attempted, it will be incumbent on every Englishman to endeavour to prevent it by all methods, and as it would be the last stand that could be ever made for our liberties, rather than suffer it to be put in execution, it would be our duty to draw our swords, and never put them up till our liberties were secured, and the authors of our intended slavery brought to condign punishment. I hope I shall be forgiven, if, during the debates, I shall take the liberty of speaking again; for I am determined to fight, inch by in inch, every proposition that tends, as I think this does, to the enslaving my country."?Lord Viscount GAGE'S Speech in 1739. Parl. Deb. Book 11th. P.388. See MONTESQ. on Standing Armies.

A Minister declared in the House of Commons, that he "should always consider it as a part of the Constitution, that the military should act under the civil authority." But, by order, the Commander-in-chief of the forces has precedence of a Governour, in the Province under his government. By his Majesty's order, transmitted in a letter dated the 9th of February, 1765, from the Secretary of State to the Commander-in-chief, it is declared, "that the orders of the Commander-in-chief, and under him, of the Brigadiers General, commanding in the Northern and Southern Departments, in all military affairs, shall be supreme, and must be obeyed by the troops as such, in all the Civil Governments in America: That in cases where no specifick orders have been given by the Commander-in-chief, or by the Brigadier General commanding in the District, the Civil Govenour in Council, and where no Council there subsists, the Civil Governour may, for the benefit of his Government, give orders for the marching of troops, the disposition of them for making and marching detachments, escorts, and such purely military services within his Government, to the commanding officer of the troops, who is to give proper order for carrying the same into execution, provided they are not contradictory to, or incompatible with, any order he may have received from the Commander-in-chief, or the Brigadier General of the District,"

In May, 1769, the House of Representatives for Massachusetts Bay, requested Governour Bernard "to give the necessary and effectual orders for the removal of the forces, by sea and land, out of the port of Boston, and from the gate of the city, during the session of the said Assembly." To which he answered: Gentlemen: I have no authority over his Majesty's ships in this port, or his troops within this town; nor can I give any orders for their removal.

"May 31, 1769. FRA. BERNARD."

Thus, our Governours, the Captains General, and Commanders-in-chief, representing the Sovereign, and known to the Constitution of these Colonies, are deprived of their legal authority, in time of peace, by an order; and a perpetual dictatorial power established over us. To accomplish this great purpose, it was thought proper, during the last war, to change the mode of granting military commissions, and to pass that to the General in America, under the great seal. It is not known whether this uncommon formality has been observed with regard to the Major Generals of the respective "Districts."

* The Germans have been justly celebrated in different ages, for sagacity in promoting the arts, and for martial spirit; yet, how unhappy have they been made in a short period of time, by that single engine of arbitrary power, a standing army. Their distress was wrought up to such a degree, that thousands and tens of thousands relinquished their native country, and fled to the wildernesses of America. It was a way of thinking and acting that became them. For Germans may truly be called the fathers of Englishmen. From *Germany came their ancestors, and the first principles of the Constitution. Germans, therefore, seem to be more justly entitled than other foreigners to the blessings of that Constitution. To enjoy them in this free country as it then was, they came here; but now unfortunately find arbitrary Government and a standing army pursuing them even into these woods. Numbers of them now in these Provinces have served in the armies of the several Princes in Germany, and know well, that one reason with their rulers for putting swords into their hands, was to cut the throats of their own fathers, brothers, and relations, who should attempt to relieve themselves from any part of their miseries. Their former Sovereigns are now completing, it is said, the cruel tragedy of tyranny. They will not suffer those they have made wretched, to seek for a more tolerable existence in some other part of the globe. It is their duty, say these unfeeling Princes, "to be unhappy, and to renounce all hopes of relief." They are prohibited from leaving their country. Those who have already escaped into these Colonies, remember what they and their parents suffered in Germany. The old tell the stories of their oppressions to the younger; and however improbable it may appear on the other side of the Atlantic, it is asserted by persons well acquainted with this people, that they have very little inclination to suffer the same cruelties again in America.

† Bill for changing the Constitution of Massachusetts Bay.

‡ General Gage's Proclamation, dated June 29, 1774.

|| Resolves in the House of Lords, on thirty-fifth Henry the Eighth, chapter 2.

§ Bill for the Administration of Justice, &c.

¶ Boston Act. * * Twenty-third George the Second, chapter 29.

†† Fifth George the Second, chapter 21.

‡‡ If Great Britain has a constitutional power to prohibit us from slitting iron as she has done, she has a constitutional power, that is, a right, to prohibit us from raising grain for our food; for the principle that supports one law, will the other. What a vast demand must be made on her for this article, and how firmly would her dominion be established, if we depended wholly on her for our daily bread? Her modern writers consider Colonists as slaves of Great Britain, shut up in a large work-house, constantly kept at labour in procuring such materials as she prescribes, and wearing such clothes as she sends. Should she ever adopt the measure above mentioned, and, on our complaints of grievances, withhold food from us; what then? Why, then, on her principle, it would be right to be starved. To say in such case we should have any other right, would be a "traitorous and rebellious denial of the Supreme Legislature of Great Britain:" for she "has power of right to bind us by statutes in all cases whatsoever."

Let not any person object that the supposition of such a case is the suggestion of fancy. The Carthagenians, those masters in the sublime politicks of commerce—politicks that have produced so many dreadful scenes upon earth, forbade the Sardinians to raise corn, in order to keep them in due subjection. The East Indies, St. Vincents, the proceedings at Rhode-Island, and the Boston Act, &c, give rise to many alarming apprehensions in America. There are few men on this Continent would be as much surprised at that measure, as at some late measures. The beginning justifies any apprehensions. Power debauches the affections. The improbability of cases happening, is no

* 1 Blackstone, p. 147.