In our Provincial Legislatures, the best judges in all cases what suits us—founded on the immutable and unalienable rights of human nature, the first principles of the Constitution, and charters and grants made by the Crown, at periods when the power of making them was universally acknowledged by the parent state, a power since frequently recognised by her, subject to the controul of the Crown, as by law established, is vested the exclusive right of internal legislation.

Such a right vested in Parliament, would place us exactly in the same situation, the people of Great Britain would have been reduced to, had James the First and his family succeeded in their scheme of arbitrary power Changing the word Stuarts for Parliament, and Britons

answer in such important considerations. The laudable spirit of commerce may be inflamed into rapacity and cruelty in a Nation, as well as in an individual. We must regard the power claimed by Great Britain not solely her will or contingencies depending on that will. If she affixes no limits to her power, why should we affix any to its effects? "I know," says Mr. Hoadly, "it is next to impossible that any such case should happen; but if such things be said, and such cases, in effect, be put, it is necessary to speak upon the supposition of such cases. And methinks it is but a narrow-spirited proceeding in us to go just no farther in our notions, than a compliance with our own present condition forceth us; to exclude from our regard the condition of all other Nations, and all cases, but just that which hath happened last of all in our own."

That the plan of governing us by withholding necessaries of life has been considered, and in what light Colonies are viewed at home, the following extracts will partly shew:

"It appears that the original and grand evil attending them, was the settlement of so considerable a part in a climate incapable of yielding the commodities wanting in Britain.

"These Northern Colonies, long after their disadvantageous nature was known, were continually increased by fresh migrations from Europe; which, as I before observed, ought totally to have been prevented, and such migrations have been encouraged only to the beneficial Colonies.

"Since the late war, Britain laid the trade of the Colonies under some very strict regulations, which certainly cut off many inlets by which they formerly received much Spanish and Portuguese coin. The principle upon which such regulations were formed, of securing to the mother country alone all matters of commerce, I have already attempted to prove just and necessary.

"When once their supernumeraries are become manufacturers, it will require more than British policy to convert them into planters.

"I must think this point of such great importance, as to extend probably to the annihilation of manufactures in our Colonies. To conclude, it is in the proposed settlement on the Ohio we must first look for hemp and flax; as such great numbers of the old American farmers have removed and settled there, which may, in those fertile tracts, be cultivated in such abundance as to enable us to undersell all the world, as well as supply our own consumption. It is on those high, dry, and healthy lands, that vineyards will be cultivated to the best advantage, as many of those hills contain quarries of stone, and not in the unhealthy sea-coasts of our present Colonies. To these we should bring the settlers from Europe, or, at least, suffer none to go north of New-York; by which means our numbers would increase in those parts where it is our interest they should increase; and the report of the settlers from the new Colony on the Ohio, would be a constant drain of people from our unprofitable Northern ones; by which means, they would, in future times, as well as the present, be prevented from extending their manufactures

"What I shall therefore venture to propose, is, that the Government, through the means of a few merchants acquainted with the American trade, that can be tolerably depended upon, should establish factors at Boston, Philadelphia, New-York, and a few other ports, for the sale of such cargoes of British manufactures as should be consigned to them; and to consist of such particularly as were most manufactured in the Province, with directions immediately and continually to undersell all such Colony manufactures. By this means, the operation of the succeeding measures, from the number of hands rendered idle, would be so much easier to be executed.

"The ships which carried out such cargoes should be large bulky ones, of eight, nine hundred, and one thousand tons burden, for the sake of bringing large quantities of deals, &c., back, at a less proportionate expense; and, previous to their arrival in America, cargoes of these should be ready for them. The Colonists should be engaged to work their iron mines, and get the product ready in bars, &c., and vast quantities of deals and squared timber ready for loading the ships. All which, on the certain and immediate prospect of a sale, would easily be effected; as it is well known they have, more than once, proved to the Legislature that they could supply all Europe with these articles, had they but the demand.

"But I laid it down as a rule to proceed upon, that trade, fishing, and manufacturing, were put an entire stop to among the Colonies.

"If the Sugar Islands contained ten millions of people, as destitute of necessaries as they are at present, Britain would be as sure of their allegiance as she is at present, provided no Power more formidable than herself at sea arose for their protection.

"The first dependence of our Colonies, as well as all their People, is, to change the terms a little upon corn worked into bread, and iron wrought into implements; or, in other words, it is upon necessary agriculture and necessary manufactures; for a people who do not possess these, to think of throwing off the yoke of another who supplies them with them, is an absurd idea. This is precisely the case with our Sugar Islands. Let us suppose the Continental Colonies to be as happy in the necessary agriculture, as they really are, but to be absolutely without manufactures, could they throw off their allegiance to Britain, be their numbers what they would? No, certainly; for that is nothing more than supposing they should throw off their allegiance to hoes and spades, and coats and shoes, which is absurd to imagine. Can any one imagine that rebellion can be carried on among a people, when the greatest success must be attended with the loss of half the necessaries of life!

"The following, among other effects, relative to this point, would be the consequence of the plan sketched out in the preceding section:

"The people would depend on Britain for those necessaries of life which result from manufactures.

"The cultivation of staples would be more profitable to them than any other employment whatever.

"The sale of those staples would depend on Britain.

"The people would all be spread over an immense country as planters; none of them collected in towns.*

"To which circumstances I shall add, in respect to Britain's further policy,

"That she should abide by the boundaries fixed already to the old Colonies, that of the rivers heads; and all further settling to be in new Colonies, wherever they were traced.

"That she should keep the inland navigation of the Continent; that is, of all the great lakes and navigable rivers, to herself, and not suffer any sets of men to navigate them, and thereby communicate from one part of the Continent to another.

"That she should never suffer any Provincial troops or militia to be raised, but reserve entirely to herself the defence of the frontiers.†

"That she should throw what obstacles she could, upon all plans of communication from Colony to Colony, or conveniences of speedy removals from place to place.

"That in proportion as any Colony declined in staples, and threatened not to be able to produce a sufficiency of them, the inhabitants should receive such encouragement to leave it, as more than to drain its natural increase unless new staples wore discovered for it.

"This is now the case with those I have distinguished by the title of the Northern Colonies; insomuch that Nova-Scotia, Canada, New England, New-York, New-Jersey, and Pennsylvania, would be nearly of as much benefit to this country buried in the ocean as they are at present."—Political Essays.

The conduct of Administration corresponds exactly with the sentiments of this modern writer, and with the measures pursued by Philip the Second of Spain against the Low Countries. The reasons given by one in Administration for attacking the Colonies, seem to be copied (with some small alterations on account of religion) from the famous advice of the unfeeling Duke of Alva, that "specie retinendÆ dignitatis," cost his master his glory, his happiness, and his Provinces—and sunk his country into distresses, from which she is not yet recovered. "At vero dux Albanus arma et ultionem, contendebat, unicum lÆesse auctoritati principis remedium. Quippe ceteris artibus ac diuturna facilitate nihil aliud effectum, quam ut regi obedientia, rebellibus timor adimeretur. Postulasse principio Belgas, ut Hispanusè provincia miles excederet: id scilicet unum deesse constantes ad quietem populorum. Num propterea, impetrata externorum missione quievisse? An potius et confidentius efflagitasse, ut—clavo deturbaretur Granvellanus. At unius forte naufragio complacatos fuisse ventos.—Quin immo ut licentia crescit facilius—homines a nostra facilitate securi—libellis deridiculis, flagitiosis conspirationibus—improbis palam carminibus—minis—precibus armatis—extorserent quod averent-obstinatis inverecunde legationibus Hispaniam fatigarent—Hiequoque visum clementioe principis aliqua indigna poacentibus indulgere. Enim vero quid ex illa indulgentia relatum, nisi ut votorum ubique compotes, non parondo: subditos sese obliviscerentur, obsequium dediscerent, atque exuta principis reverentia, communicata provinciaram defectione, tanquam culpae societate tutiores, humana omnia contrectatae semel libertati post haberent. Nunc vero nonunius civitatis, sed provinciarum consensu peccatum esse in regem. Nec quia rebelles in presentia conquioscant, minus ferociae; animisinesse, resumpturos utique vires, ubi metum ultionis abjecerint. Sicille pronus ad asperiora, disserebat."—Strada da bello Belgico, lib. 6.

It is evident, that the British Ministers have diligently studied Strada, and the other authors who have transmitted to posterity the pleasing and instructive annals of Philippick policy, as every measure they have taken, is founded on a precedent set by that celebrated school of humanity.

Alva is the favourite master—on his conduct they keep their eyes steadily and reverently fixed, and it may truly be said—they follow him with no unequal steps. Great, good, and wise men! whom some future Puffendorf or Temple will duly celebrate.

"In 1564, Granville was removed from the Council, to appease the people. Their joy was short-lived; for as the same measures ware pursued, it began to be said publickly, that though his body was removed from, his spirit still influenced, the Council. Upon application for a relaxation of the edicts, it was said, that moderation had only made matters worse, and the observation of them was again enjoined upon more severe penalties than before.

"At length an Association was entered into, for mutually defending each other. This being signed by above four hundred persons of quality, who all protested, that they meant nothing but the honour of God, the glory of the King, and the good of their country, they met and petitioned, that the Proclamation might be revoked: but the King would consent to no mitigation. Good advice was given to him. But the Duke D'Alva's violent Council, who proposed the entire abolishment of the liberties of the Provinces,‡ was most pleasing, and followed. The cruel Duke was sent into the Low Countries with a powerful army. The Counts D'Egmont and Horn were immediately seized, on a pretence that they had, underhand, spirited up the people's disaffection. They were afterwards executed. All who had signed the Association or Petition were declared guilty of § high treason, and answerable for what had happened. A Council, called, from its cruel proceedings,|| the Council of Blood, was erected for trying the accused, from which there was no appeal. (Note well) Alva himself tried the

* "This point which is of infinite important, would pretty fully be occasioned by other parts of the plan. But, to, ensure so great a point, no new towns should be suffered, nor even villages; than winch nothing could be easier to manage; nor would they be any where necessary but by the magazines of naval stores for loading ships. All possible de-crease of numbers in the cities already in being, should be effected. So systematically absurd is it to found towns and cities, as Britain has hitherto constantly done in all the Colonies she has formed."

† "Specie tuendi finium, jugum liberis provinciis meditatur,"—Strada, lib. 2.

‡ "Lay them at my feet."

§ See General Cage's Proclamation.

|| Resolutions in Parliament for trying Colonists in England. Rhode-Island Court. Late Acts for Massachusetts Bay.