eral Gage) have paid more attention to sounding words, and taken more pains to convince the world they are scholars, than to show a disposition to settle our differences. In short, when they appear averse to conciliating measures, and show a disposition to create confusion, and bum us into war and bloodshed, it is manifest they are actuated by motives inconsistent with the people's interest. For examples of their inclination to war, let me appeal to their adopting the Suffolk Resolves; and to their own inconsistent minutes, for a determination upon confusion and mischief, particularly upon that arrogant Resolve, wherein they require the repeal of many Laws of Trade, &c., "as essentially necessary in order to restore harmony between Great Britain and the American Colonies." Can the people who they style spirited and brave, stoop to such humiliating terms? Could this Resolve then have been made with any other view than to affront a brave people, and prevent them from hearing and redressing real grievances? It is natural, my countrymen, for men who feel themselves suddenly clothed with unlimited powers, to have a desire to continue that authority they have by accident acquired, and to keep the ball up, for if once it comes to the ground, then authority vanishes, and the people will no longer be dupes to their ambition.

All changes in Government, my countrymen, are dangerous to the people—we have insensibly, and in the hurry of our zeal, departed from our Constitution, and entered a new mode of governing, as inconsistent with liberty as it is opposite to Monarchy; in short, we have slid into a Republick when we did not mean it, and out of fear of a distant and ideal tyranny, we have created a dangerous and real one among ourselves. We have no instances of laws so severe, or any regulations so inimical to liberty as the Resolves of this Congress, who show themselves double-faced on every occasion: read their cajoling letter to the Canadians; again, see how these Canadians are painted in another place as fit tools, from "ancient prejudices, to act with hostility against the true Protestant Colonies, whenever a wicked Ministry shall choose to direct them." See the artifice that is used through the whole of their proceedings to keep you in a ferment, and you will trace the thirst of dominion through every page. It is not so much, my countrymen, that the mother country is inclined to tyranny, as it is those among us who desire rule, and want to lord it over us, and therefore keep up a controversy that sooner or later will end in our ruin.

As we have already done what we ought not to have done, and left undone those things which we ought to have done, let us shun the rock these pilots would run us upon; let us in time return to our Constitution, and by our Representatives, like honest men, state our grievances, and ask relief of the mother state; let us do this with that plainness and decency of language that will show at once our sincerity, and remove every suspicion that we have the least intention or desire to be independent. Let us remember that our burden has been light; that the mother state has ever protected us by her arms,—and her renown among the Nations of the world—may, let us remember that these men who are most forward and noisy patriots in the great Towns have acquired wealth in forbidden trade, and have, even in that trade, been protected by the name of Britain, and ought to be suspected and detested by us, as we have too long been duped by them.

Let us shun an Association artfully designed to entangle us, and fear not the threats contained in it; let us remember ourselves, our children, our country; and while we are attentive to our liberties, let us not forget our duty.

New-Jersey, November 19, 1774.

At a Town Meeting held at Providence, Rhode-Island, on the 21st day of November, 1774, A. M., called by Warrant, to order a Town Tax, &c:

NICHOLAS BROWN, Esquire, Moderator,

Voted, That the Committee of Correspondence for this Town be hereby empowered to receive of the Town Treasury the sum of one hundred and twenty-five Pounds, lawful money, and to transmit the same to the Committee in the Town of Boston for receiving donations for the distressed inhabitants of the Town of Boston and Charles-town; and the Treasurer is hereby ordered to pay said sum out of the first money he shall receive of the tax now ordered.

DOCTOR JOSEPH WARREN TO JOSIAH QUINCY, JUNIOR.

Boston, November 21, 1774.

DEAR SIR: As nothing interesting, which I am at liberty to communicate, has taken place since your departure from home, except such matters as you could not fail of being informed of by the publick papers, I have deferred writing to you, knowing that upon your first arrival in London you would be greatly engaged in forming your connections with the friends of this country to whom you have been recommended. Our friends who have been at the Continental Congress are in high spirits on account of the union which prevails throughout the Colonies.—It is the united voice of America to preserve their freedom, or lose their lives in defence of it. Their Resolutions are not the effect of inconsiderate rashness, but the sound result of sober inquiry and deliberation. I am convinced that the true spirit of liberty was never so universally diffused through all ranks and orders of people, in any country on the face of the earth, as it now is through North America.

The Provincial Congress met at Concord at the time appointed; about two hundred and sixty Members were present. You would have thought yourself in an Assembly of Spartans or ancient Romans, had you been a witness to the ardour which inspired those who spoke upon the important business they were transacting. An injunction of secrecy prevents my giving any particulars of their transactions, except such as by their express order were published in the papers; but in general you may be assured that they approved themselves the true Representatives of a wise and brave people, determined at all events to be free. I know I might be indulged in giving you an account of our transactions were I sure this would get safe to you, but 1 dare not, as the times are, risk so important intelligence.

Next Wednesday, the 23d instant, we shall meet again according to adjournment. All that I can safely communicate to you shall be speedily transmitted. I am of opinion that the dissolution of the British Parliament, which we were acquainted with last week, together with some favourable letters received from England, will induce us to bear the inconvenience of living without Government until we have some further intelligence of what may be expected from England. It will require, however, a very masterly policy to keep the Province for any considerable time longer in its present slate. The Town of Boston is by far the most moderate part of the Province; they are silent and inflexible. They hope for relief, but they have found from experience that they can bear to suffer more than their oppressors or themselves thought possible. They feel the injuries they receive; they are the frequent subject of conversation; but they take an honest pride in being singled out by a tyrannical Administration as the most determined enemies to arbitrary power; they know that their merits, not their crimes, have made them the objects of Ministerial vengeance. We endeavour to live as peaceably as possible with the Soldiery, but disputes and quarrels often arise between the Troops and the Inhabitants.

General Gage has made very few new manœuvres since you left us. He has indeed rendered the entrenchments at the entrance of the Town as formidable as he possibly could. I have frequently been sent to him on Committees, and have several times had private conversations with him. I have thought him a man of honest, upright principles, and one desirous of accommodating the difference between Great Britain and her Colonies in a just and honourable way. He did not appear to be desirous of continuing the quarrel in order to make himself necessary, which is too often the case with persons employed in publick affairs; but a copy of a letter, via Philadelphia, said to be written from him to Lord North, gives a very different cast to his character. His answer to the Provincial Congress, which was certainly ill-judged, I suppose was the work of some of that malicious group of harpies whose disappointments make them desirous to urge the Governour to drive every thing to extremes; but in this letter (if it be genuine) he seems to court the office of a destroyer of the liberties, and murderer of the people of