effect to remove those false impressions which have been made upon the minds of his Majesty's subjects in America, and put an end to those expectations of support in their unwarrantable pretensions, which have been held forth by artful and designing men. I am, sir, your most obedient, &c.,

DARTMOUTH.

Governour of * * * * * *.

EARL OF DARTMOUTH TO LIEUTENANT GOVERNOUR COLDEN.

Whitehall, December 10, 1774.

SIR: I have received your letters, Nos. 6 and 7, and have laid them before the King, together with the Petition and Affidavit enclosed in the first of them relative to the lawless and violent proceedings of such of the inhabitants of the Township of Bennington as claim lands in that Township under grants from New-Hampshire.

The circumstances attending those disturbances are very alarming; and if it be true that those parts of the Province are now an asylum for fugitives from every other part of America, it is certainly become an object that deserves the fullest attention. I cannot, however, be of opinion that the assistance of the King's Troops ought to be called for until every other effort has been tried and found insufficient. Whenever this matter comes to that issue, it will certainly be the duty of the King's servants to advise his Majesty to strengthen the hands of Government, by an application of the military force; but I do not see at present sufficient ground for the adoption of such a measure; and I am not without hopes, that when the present very alarming situation of the King's affairs in North America, from other causes, will leave our hands more at liberty, some means may be found to accommodate these disputes without the risk of bloodshed. I trust it will not be long before we shall find sufficient leisure for such a consideration; and his Majesty's subjects who have claims in that part of the country, under grants from New-York, may rest assured that their pretensions will meet with every countenance and support that can be shown, consistent with justice; for I can with truth say, that the conduct of that Province in general, and more especially in the present moment, has been such as justly entitles its well disposed and peaceable inhabitants to his Majesty's particular favour and indulgence; and I have the satisfaction to assure you that their conduct is seen in a very favourable light; and the wishes they have in general, that all violence might be avoided, and the sovereign authority of the Supreme Legislature might be supported, are graciously considered by the King as evidences of their respect and affection for his Majesty, and of the just sense they entertain of the rights of the British Empire. I am, sir, your most obedient humble servant,

DARTMOUTH.

Lieutenant Governour Colden.

Queen's County, Newtown, December 10, 1774.

The election of a Committee of seventeen persons, for the purposes mentioned in the Association entered into by the Continental Congress, and for corresponding with the other Committees of this Province, having this day came on, pursuant to advertisements of the Supervisors of said Town, a great number of the most respectable Freeholders assembled at the Town House, and the following persons were unanimously chosen, viz: Jacob Blackwell, Daniel Rapalje and Richard Alsop, Esquires, Messrs. Philip Edfall, Thomas Lawrance, Samuel Moore, Jonathan Lawrance, William Furman, William. Howard, Daniel Lawrance, Jeromes Remsen, Samuel Riker, John Alburtis, Abraham Brinckerhoff, Jonathan Coe, Samuel Morrell, and James Way.

EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM LONDON, TO A GENTLEMAN IN NEW-YORK, DATED DECEMBER 10, 1774.

SIR: The ground of contest between Great Britain and her Colonies, seems to be changed. You have lately taken in a larger scope of argument, and your leaders sally forth resolved to demolish every instance of Parliamentary jurisdiction. Thus, you now deny what you formerly asserted was a necessary authority in Parliament—the superintendence and regulation of the trade of the whole British Empire. Internal Taxes were formerly the only objects of clamours; but now external Impositions are in the same predicament. In short, every species of Legislation exercised by Great Britain, is equally liable to objection in point of right; and your warm partisans have only a little too soon exposed those conclusions, which intelligent men long ago perceived to be concealed under their principles. The sum total of those claims is Independence on Great Britain; for a subordination, without your being subject to the Legislative authority of England, is a doctrine rather unintelligible.

As an American, I wish my country every blessing of freedom; but I think we can expect more happiness by an union with England, and subordination to the Supreme Legislature, than by any fancied schemes of Independent States. The superintendence and mediation of Great Britain seems to be necessary to balance and decide the different interests of the several Plantations and Colonies, and to direct, command, and govern the operations and powers of each, for the benefit and defence of all. Protected by her Navy and Armies, we shall rise with fresh vigour and strength, and see her free and well-balanced Constitution gradually communicated to us. In a state of separation, on the contrary, ages may pass and rivers of blood be shed, before any regular form of Government could be adopted and fixed on a firm basis. The history of all Nations confirms these observations, which have dropped from my pen, before I was aware that I had plunged myself headlong into politicks—edge tools which a man who intends to make the free climes of America his country, must, I find from your newspapers, be cautious of meddling with. There is something extremely absurd in some men's eternally declaiming on freedom of thought, and the unalienable rights of Englishmen, when they will not permit an opponent to open his mouth on the subjects in dispute, without danger of being presented with a coat of tar and feathers.

Had moderate measures been pursued by you; had you first done justice yourselves before you complained of injustice in others; had you petitioned instead of threatened; stated your rights with precision, instead of holding up loose claims founded on I know not what fluctuating ground of Natural Rights; had you discussed these matters in your legal Assemblies, instead of leaving them to the decision of a body which the Constitution is ignorant of, and whose decrees cannot be acted on, and may be contradicted with impunity, had a line of conduct like this been pursued, I have reason to assure you that, your petitions would have been attended to, and the present disputes terminated by a liberal and firm Constitution, preserving a necessary supremacy to Parliament, and securing you in those liberties which your Charters are totally silent on, or absolutely preclude you from.

What now will be the consequence, I cannot determine. Firmness and temper will be preserved on this side; and acts of severity will be, with the utmost reluctance, forced from the Ministry. They consider your interests as their own, and therefore will be averse from every thing that may injure you. They would gladly forgive, if they could see any marks of contrition in the disobedient. But the dignity of Government will never permit a Parliament, which the most powerful States of Europe would dread to insult, to make advances towards a reconciliation with you, while you command it by threats and menaces. Violence commenced with Boston, and the first step to a reconciliation, in justice, ought to be a satisfaction to the honour of Great Britain, and a redress to the injury done to its Merchants.

EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM LONDON, TO A GENTLEMAN IN NEW YORK, DATED DECEMBER 10, 1774.

Your Patriots, by contending for too much, will probably lose all. In the warmth of their zeal, and under the delusion which they have been hurried into by the encouragement of their pretended friends in this country, they have unveiled pretensions and designs which must be fatal to them. They have convinced the world, by their new claims, that the smallest part of the foundation of Parliamentary jurisdiction cannot be impaired, without demolishing the whole superstructure.