and it is not by taking away the principal, if not the only encouragement to industry, that it can be excited; nor is it in times of anarchy and confusion, that the foundation of such improvements can be laid. The lower class of people, too, will discover that they have been duped by the richer sort, who, for their part, elude the whole effects of the Association by which their poor neighbours perish. What, then, is to deter those from taking the shortest mode of supplying themselves? and unrestrained as they are by Jaws, from taking whatever they want wherever they can find it?

The arbitrary proceedings of these Committees, likewise, cannot fail of producing quarrels and dissensions, which will raise partisans of Government; and I am firmly persuaded that the Colony, even by their own acts and deeds, must be brought to see the necessity of depending on its mother country, and of embracing its authority.

KING'S DISTRICT (NEW-YORK) RESOLUTIONS.

At a Meeting held in King's District, Albany County, New-York, on the 24th day of December, 1774, publickly warned by the Clerk of the District, and requested by a number of the principal Inhabitants:

Present, five of the King's Justices of the County of Albany, and a great number of the principal people belonging to said District.

Whereas, it appears to this meeting that some individuals in the Northeast part of this District, have associated with divers people of a neighbouring District, and combined together to hinder and obstruct Courts of Justice in the said County of Albany. This meeting, deeply impressed with a just abhorrence of these daring insults upon Government, and being fully sensible of the blessings resulting from a due obedience to the laws, as well as convinced of the calamities and evils attending a suppression, or even a suspension of the administration of justice, have therefore unanimously come into the following Resolutions:

First. That as our gracious Sovereign King George the Third, is lawful, and rightful King of Great Britain, and all other Dominions thereunto belonging, and as such, by the Constitution, has a right to establish Courts, and is supposed to be present in all his Courts; therefore, we will, to the utmost of our power, and at the risk of our lives, discountenance and suppress every Meeting, Association, or Combination, which may have a tendency in the least to molest, disturb, or in anywise obstruct the due administration or justice in this Province.

Second That we will, as much as we possibly can, in our different capacities, encourage, promote, and enforce a strict obedience to the aforesaid authority.

Third. Inasmuch as that life, liberty, and property, and the bands, of society, are secured and protected by the laws, we do, for the further security of these blessings, naturally covenant, agree, and engage, that if any obstruction, hindrance, or molestation, is given to any Officer or Minister of Justice, in the due execution of his office, we will, separately and collectively, as occasions may require, aid and assist in the executive part of the law, so that all offenders may be brought to justice.

Signed by order of the meeting.

ABRAHAM HOLMES, Clerk for King's District.

TO THE INHABITANTS OF BRITISH AMERICA.

FRIENDS AND COUNTRYMEN: At a time when Ministerial Tyrants threaten a People with the total loss of their liberties, supineness and inattention on their part will render that ruin which their enemies have designed for them, unavoidable. A striking instance of this we have in the history of the Carthagenians. That brave people, notwithstanding they had surrendered up three hundred hostages to the Romans, upon a promise of being restored to their former liberties, found themselves instantly invaded by the Roman Army. Roused by this unexpected procedure, they sent Deputies to know the occasion of this extraordinary manœuvre. They were told that they must deliver up all their Arms to the Romans, and then they should peaceably enjoy their liberties. Upon their compliance with this requisition, Marius, one of the Roman Consuls, thus addressed them: "We are well pleased with these first instances of your obedience, and therefore cannot help congratulating you upon them. I have but one thing more to require of you in the name of the Roman people; I will therefore, without further preamble, plainly declare to you an order, on which the safety of your Republick, the preservation of your Goods, your Lives, and Liberties, depend. Rome requires that you abandon your City, which we are commanded to level with the ground. You may build yourselves another where you please, provided it be ten miles from the sea, and without walls or fortifications. A little courage and resolution will get the better of the affection which attaches us to old habitations, and is founded more in habit than in reason." The consternation of the Carthagenian Deputies, at hearing this horrid, treacherous speech, is not to be expressed. Some swooned away, others burst forth into cries and lamentations. Nor were even the Roman Soldiers who were present, unmoved at the affecting scene. "These sudden fits," said the base inhuman Consul, "will wear off by degrees. Time and necessity teaches the most unfortunate to bear their calamities with patience. The Carthagenians, when they recover their senses, will choose to obey."

Although the Carthagenians, after this, made a noble and manly resistance, yet the surrender of their Arms proved the destruction of that City, which had so often contended with Rome for the empire of the world.

Equally inexcusable with the Carthagenians, will the Americans be, if they suffer the tyrants who are endeavouring to enslave them, lo possess themselves of all their Forts, Castles, Anns, Ammunition, and warlike Stores. What reason can be given by them for such cowardly and pusillanimous conduct? Perhaps it maybe said that "there yet remains some gleam of hope, that the British Ministry may do us justice, bestow to us our liberties, and repeal those oppressive Acts which now hang over America.' And was this even probable, it would hardly justify such a conduct. But what foundation have we for such a hope? If this be the intention of the Ministry, is a formidable Fleet and numerous Army necessary to bring it about? Could they not have given up their plan for enslaving America, without seizing all the strong holds on the Continent? upon all the Arms and Ammunition; and without soliciting and finally obtaining an order to prohibit the importation of warlike Stores into the Colonies? Does this speak the language of peace and reconciliation? or does it rather speak that of war, tumult, and desolation? And shall we, like the Carthagenians, peaceably surrender our Arms to our enemies, in hopes of obtaining in return the liberties we have so long contended for?

Be not deceived, my countrymen. Should the Ministry ever prevail upon you to make that base and infamous surrender, they will then tell you, in the language of the haughty and inhuman Marius, what those liberties are which they will in future suffer you to enjoy; and endeavour to persuade you, that when you have recovered your senses, you will choose to obey. Is it possible that any person among us thinks of making a submission to the several powers which now claim a right to rule over us? If so, let him take a view of the situation he and his American brethren must then be in. We all acknowledge our submission to the authority of our Provincial Legislature, in the same manner as the people in Great Britain acknowledge the power of Parliament over them; because the Assemblies here and Parliament there, are composed in part of persons elected by the people, and who are liable, for any misconduct, to be excluded by them from ever acting again as their Representatives; and where the people have this constitutional check upon their rulers, slavery can never be introduced. "But," says the famous Mr. Locke, whenever a power exists in a state over which the people have no control, the people are completely enslaved." If this be the case, what shall we say to the claim of Parliament to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever? to the mandates of a Minister of State which so often have, superseded the laws of the Colony Legislatures, although assented to by his Majesty? or to the late Order of the King and Council, prohibiting the importation of warlike Stores into the Colonies? And who, by the same colour of right, may, whenever they please, prohibit the importation