soon demonstrate how little was to be apprehended from the Resolutions of a Congress; that four or five Provinces to the writer's certain knowledge were preparing to violate these Resolutions."

The writer concludes by hoping, "that the West India Merchants will not be duped by specious appearances, as they must be fools indeed to be alarmed at what a Congress like that held at Philadelphia can propose; and that, as the West India Islands are at present overstocked with Staves, and every article they want, nothing is to be feared from a scarcity on their account."

Mr. Willet having read this letter, a gentleman begged to know "how long the writer had been at New-York, when he wrote the letter?" Mr. Willet replied "five days."—It was observed, "that he must be a young man of surprising abilities, to penetrate so intimately into the minds of the people in so short a time; and he must have a tolerable share of confidence to answer for four or five Provinces, when he had himself been in one of them only five days."

Mr. Willet accounted for this by saying, though Mr. Galway had wrote the letter, yet the sentiments might be supposed more properly to be those of Mr. De Lancey.

Here a gentleman addressed the Chair, by observing that he was a native of New-York, and connected with some of the first people in that Province; that Mr. De Lancey was a mere creature of Government, connected with the Governour, who had attempted to enforce the Stamp Act, which Governour was a subservient minion to the Duke of Grafton.

The gentleman acknowledged that on a former Association a defection had happened, but that very defection, he contended, was brought about by the machinations of Mr. De Lancey. Considering, therefore, the political principles, the conduct, the views, and connections of Mr. De Lancey, his opinions were to be examined with cautious distrust; his letters were to be read with grains of allowance.

Mr. Edwards, of Jamaica, next observed, that there was one part of the letter which totally misrepresented the real matter of fact; for, so far were the West India Islands from being "overstocked" with Staves, and other articles, that, to his certain knowledge, they lately called for a supply.

Several other gentlemen testified the same; and letters were offered to be produced of as late a date, all written in a very different style, all declaring, that there was every reason to believe that the Resolutions of the Congress would be strictly adhered to, the measures of resistance increased, not diminished, unless the obnoxious Acts were speedily repealed.

The result of this debate (to which the letter of an inexperienced youth gave rise,) was, "that the letters of particular persons deserved no greater respect than the sentiments of any individual present; that it was injudicious to produce them, the sole point for discussion being, whether the motion for a Petition should be read?"

This question being vehemently called for, the motion was read from the Chair, when Mr. Edwards, with great force of reasoning, evinced the absolute necessity, not only of petitioning, but of petitioning without a moment's loss of time.

In answer to Mr. Willet, he ventured to affirm, that the West India Merchants were now actually suffering on account of the American measures; that the low price of Sugars was occasioned chiefly by those measures; that it was not merely in the article of Lumber the West India Islands would suffer, but in various other instances. It had been said, that "Quebec could supply Staves." Mr. Edwards denied the fact, and demonstrated the extreme folly of expecting Staves and other necessaries from Canada and the Floridas, at least in sufficient quantity, as well from the inadequate population at the extremities of the Continent, as from the difficulty at certain times of the year of the navigation from Canada. He gave reasons equally forcible against a notion which he said some people entertained of being supplied with the article of Staves from Hamburg, or Norway; but, he said, putting supplies of all kinds out of the question, the produce of America was not more necessary to the support of the West Indies, than her markets were for the sale of a considerable part of their Rum and Sugar. America, says he, purchases annually from our Sugar Islands, (Jamaica, included,) twenty thousand hogsheads of Sugar, and twenty-five thousand puncheons of Rum, besides all our Molasses not used in distillation. She exports annually from Great Britain, upwards of ten thousand hogsheads of refined Sugar, which creates a farther consumption of thirty thousand hogsheads of raw or Muscovado Sugar. By the Resolutions of the Congress, this last great consumption is already suspended; and will any man say that the planting interest is not thereby immediately affected? Should the great export from the Islands be stopped also, and the whole brought to a glutted market, the consequence to every Planter will be absolute ruin. It may be said indeed, that Sugar will be so much the cheaper in England; but this argument is fallacious and foolish. No man will raise commodities which he cannot sell. Who but a madman will continue a losing adventure? It is the same in England, in regard to Corn: Stop the exportation, you create a famine.

This gentleman then proceeded to demonstrate that Great Britain, as a commercial Nation, must participate deeply in whatever affects the Sugar Islands. He said the whole of the West India Colonies must be considered as British property, or national stock. He proved that the whole of this stock amounted to the enormous sum of sixty millions Sterling, the particulars of which he enumerated, and he appealed to Mr. Walker, Agent for Barbados, for the accuracy of the estimate; which that gentleman confirmed, and declared he produced the same amount by a different mode of calculation. The whole profits and produce of this great capital, Mr. Edwards averred, centered in, and tended to, the increase of the Navigation, Commerce, Manufactures, and Revenues of Great Britain. "Should, therefore," he said, "any interruption happen in the general system of the commerce and cultivation of these Islands; should the vast national stock thus employed, become unprofitable and precarious, will not Great Britain, with a debt of one hundred and forty millions, be sensibly affected? Sir, it will shake her Empire to its base. Her African trade will be lost, and the many other great branches of her commerce, with her Colonies, which, during the last war, rendered her sole arbitress of the fate of Europe, will be dried up and exhausted forever." He concluded by observing, that no opposition to this motion could arise, but from interested motives, or from a mistaken notion, that Government would be offended at our proceedings, which he said was a most absurd idea; for that no personal reflections against people in power, nor any questions of mere political disquisition, had been once introduced; and he added that, admitting, however, that the West India Islands had not yet experienced any inconvenience from the American measures, were we to await until ruin had overtaken us before we applied for relief? Were we to feel nothing for those Planters whom the American Resolves would reduce to beggary? Nothing for the trade, prosperity, or Constitution of our country? If there were any West India Merchants whom contract, pensions, or the smiles of Government allured to approve measures baneful in their operations, destructive in their effects, they ought to be marked out, that the honest Planter might in future know the men in whom he ought not to confide.

Mr. Atkinson next spoke against the motion, on the ground, that as the Petition was only meant to recommend to the consideration of Parliament, what Parliament would certainly consider of themselves, it was a futile measure.

This argument Mr. Edwards refuted in a masterly manner. "The gentleman," says he "lays it down as a fact, that Parliament mean to consider this business; if they mean to consider it at all, they must intend to take it up on the largest scale possible; to do this, every information they can possibly procure is necessary for their assistance, and therefore, as we mean only to afford them every information in our power, the very reason the gentleman urges for our not petitioning, is the very reason why we ought to petition. Nor can the Ministry be displeased, for their welfare, as well as ours is at stake; if this country is ruined, (and ruined it must be, unless a reconciliation with America takes place,) the Ministry who projected the Acts must be ruined also."

Mr. Fuller added this pertinent observation: that as the