Short, Henry Conway, John Payne, Sen., Joseph Roberts, William Witcher, Henry Williams, John Salmon, Reverend Lewis Gwillam, Richard Walden, Peter Sounders, John Wilson, and Crispen Shelton.
The Committee then proceeded to make choice of Robert Williams for their Chairman, and William Peters Martin their Clerk.
During the time of choosing the said Committee, the utmost good order and harmony was observed, and all the inhabitants of the County, then present (which was very numerous) seemed determined and resolute in defending their liberties and properties at the risk of their lives, and if required, to die by their fellow-sufferers (the Bostonians) whose cause they consider as their own; and it being mentioned in Committee, that their County had never contributed their proportionable part towards defraying the expenses of the Delegates, who attended on our behalf at the General Congress, that sum was immediately and cheerfully raised, and deposited in the hands of Peter Perkins and Benjamin Lankford, Esquires, the Representatives for the said County, to be transmitted by them, to whom it ought to have been paid; after which the Committee rose, and several loyal and patriotick toasts were drank, and the Company dispersed, well pleased with the behaviour of those people they had put their confidence in.
Ordered, That a copy of the above Proceedings be inserted in the Virginia Newspapers.
WILLIAM PETERS MARTIN, Clerk Committee.
PRECINCT OF SHAWANGUNK, IN THE COUNTY OF ULSTER, NEW-YORK, JANUARY 26, 1775.
A certain Pamphlet entitled "Free Thoughts on the Resolves of the Congress," &c., under the signature of "A. W. Farmer," dated 16th of November, 1774, having been privately dispersed among several of the Freeholders and Inhabitants of the County of Ulster, a notification thereof was given by a publick advertisement, whereon a number of the most respectable Freeholders and Inhabitants of the Precinct of Shawangunk, in the County of Ulster, met at the house of George Smith, in said Precinct, and a Committee of five being chosen, viz: Johannes Jansen, Benjamin Smedes, Junior, Jacobus Bruyn, Johannes Hardenburg, Jun., and Lewis Gasherie, of whom Jacobus Bruyn, being chosen Chairman, when the Proceedings of the late Continental Congress were read, as also the aforesaid Pamphlet having been produced and read, it was unanimously
Resolved, 1. That it is the opinion of this meeting, that they most heartily approve of the Association, and acquiesce in all the other measures entered into by the late General Continental Congress, and that they will use every means in their power to render them effectual.
Resolved, 2. That the said Pamphlet is replete with falsehoods artfully calculated to impose on the illiterate and unthinking, in order to frustrate the Resolves of the Congress, and to destroy that union so necessary for the preservation of our American constitutional Liberty; therefore,
Resolved, 3. That the said Pamphlet, in detestation and abhorrence of such infamous publications, be now publick\y burnt, and that the authors, publishers, and circulators of such performances be henceforth deemed the enemies of their country.
Which Resolves being publickly read, and unanimously approved, the above Pamphlet was burnt accordingly.
Ordered likewise, That a copy of the Proceedings of this meeting be transmitted to the Committee of Correspondence for this County.
By order of the Committee,
JACOBUS BRUYN, Chairman.
TO THE PEOPLE OF AMERICA.
Boston, January 26, 1775.
MY WORTHY FRIENDS AND FELLOW-COUNTRYMEN: After making one or two previous observations, I shall endeavour to set before you what will probably be the consequences of your infatuated blindness, wishing and earnestly hoping by this or any other means, to see that social happiness, peace, and harmony, restored, which have reigned in this once happy land;—to see you convinced of your imprudent and rash behaviour, and returning to that obedience to the laws and authority of Great Britain, which alone can make you a free, wealthy, and happy people.
Mankind in general are too apt to indulge themselves in contemplating and forming Utopian schemes, and if they fail in the execution of them, to solace themselves with the reflection, that, "in great attempts, 'tis glorious even to fail." Nor is this a matter of wonder, as it gratifies an itch for superiority, and a thirst for applause, which are implanted by nature in every breast, in a greater or less degree. To what a pitch of infatuation then may we suppose these passions to be raised in those men who are unwilling to confine themselves within the bounds, or submit to the laws, prescribed by the Government to which they are subject; whose conduct has justly merited punishment and contempt, and who must inevitably sink into infamy and obscurity. When these men find it necessary by some bold step to retrieve their characters; set about a reformation of a Government already the envy of every other Nation, and are determined to accomplish their views, or perish in the attempt, we must at once be sensible, that not the united misery of all their fellow-men, nor the destruction of the peace and good order of the world, will ever deter them from their desperate undertaking; but, that rather than fail in their enterprise, they will exult to introduce anarchy and confusion into the state, and glory to riot upon the miseries of mankind in private life. Happy shall I think myself, and very fortunate esteem you, my friends and fellow-countrymen, if the consequences of their detestable conduct do not strictly justify this description of their wickedness and folly.
The independence which these leaders aim at, the means of obtaining it, and the necessary consequences which must result from it, are replete with the most distressing calamities, destructive mischiefs, and aggravated miseries, that ever were inflicted on mankind, and yet to these curses, horrid in idea, but which will prove much more dreadful in reality, you are tamely and quietly submitting, while it is yet in your power effectually to prevent them, and to save yourselves from ruin. Rouse, I beseech you, consider but one moment, before it is too late (which it shortly will be) on what ground you stand; revolve in your minds the dangerous situation you are in; and by a seasonable attention to, and amendment of your infatuated conduct, discharge that duty which you owe to God, your King, your country, to yourselves, and succeeding millions of your posterity yet unborn. You will pardon my warmth; I feel for your unfortunate and fatal security; fain would I snatch you from the surrounding flames; fain would I save you from the threatened destruction.
Let us now cooly consider what would be the consequences if you could obtain the darling object of your wishes, and erect an independent Republick; first premising the insurmountable obstacles and unforeseen difficulties, which must retard your progress, and finally frustrate your hopes. Your expectations of accomplishing this mad undertaking must at once appear to be groundless, when you consider that the Throne was never more secure in the hearts of a free and happy people; the Nation never more powerful in its resources, or more respected abroad; nor Administration more firmly established in the esteem and approbation of a great majority of the people (notwithstanding any artful suggestions to the contrary) than at this day. Little reason indeed can we then have to think that such a Nation will tamely admit the claims, and give way to the clamour of her rebellious Colonies, who depend upon her for their very existence, and have made such ungrateful returns for her parental care and protection of them. The British Nation, though humane and condescending to fault, yet when so highly provoked, and wantonly irritated, will not remain inactive, nor unsheath the sword in vain, but will severely correct and chastise our insolence: If she does not she will inevitably be rendered contemptible in the eyes of all Europe; there is not an Island in the West Indies, nor the most inferiour Corporation in her Dominions, but will at once be setting up new claims, and wrest from her even the very appearance of authority. Add to this that the honour and justice of the Nation are very materially interested in the present disputes,
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