able an opportunity of increasing their power and extending their Dominions? They certainly would not. What misery, then, will you bring upon yourselves, when two formidable Armies, irresistible by any force that you can raise, shall make your country the scene of war. The event must be, that you will be treated as slaves and vassals to the conquering Power; or, to make the most favourable supposition, if one of the states of Europe should invade you, to procure salvation from entire destruction, you will be obliged to make a sacrifice of infinitely greater privileges than any that you unreasonably suppose yourselves in danger of losing from the exercise of the authority of the parent state over you. In proportion to the value of the acquisition, they will enhance their security; and, to make sure of your subjection, will put it out of your power to resist their authority or oppose their tyrannical designs against you. You will then, in the language of the most humiliating penitence and sorrow, fly for protection to that power which you now so wantonly resist, and beg to shelter yourselves under her wing upon any conditions she shall see fit to impose. You will readily renounce every claim that you now set up, and trust to her wisdom and justice for your future protection and government. But it may then be too late to appease the wrath of a spirited, provoked, and angry Nation.

But let us shift the scene. It can never be supposed that Great Britain will thus lose so bright a jewel in her Crown; she will rather, like a kind parent, bring us to our senses by a timely correction and chastisement of our insolence. To this, nothing further will be requisite than to shut up all the Ports upon the Continent, and make prize of all vessels that shall be found in these Seas; and a small part of the British Navy will be able effectually to execute this plan. What would then be our situation? You will perhaps readily answer, that this must be done at the expense of the ruin of the Nation; that she will never survive the loss of our trade. But in this you are equally mistaken, as in all the other preposterous notions you entertain. A temporary inconvenience she might suffer, but would soon recover the loss. She may be supplied with most if not all the articles that this country produces from other parts, where she would find a sale for all the manufactures she can spare. By opening and encouraging a free trade with foreign countries, commerce might be turned into a channel equally beneficial to her, and she would, in a short time, outgrow any inconvenience that can be suffered from relinquishing her dealings with us. But, in the mean time, what must be our situation? Distressing, indeed, when deprived of those necessaries which we should find it impossible to live without, and at the same time unable to procure them from any quarter. Moreover, a great proportion of the inhabitants upon the Continent, who obtain a livelihood by a maritime life, and the several trades and occupations which depend upon the encouragement of navigation, would at once be thrown out of bread and unable even to procure a sustenance, and would, by their numbers, and the encouragement which they would receive from others, equally sensible of the mischiefs you had brought upon them, finally compel you all to return to a sense of your true interest, and become dutiful and obedient children to the parent state. The probable truth of this we may easily collect from the necessity there is of the most generous and liberal contributions from our sister Colonies, to enable the suffering poor of the Town of Boston to support the poverty resulting from shutting up their Port. What a miserable plight, then, will they and all the others upon the Continent be in, should these unhappily be reduced to the same predicament? Self-preservation would force you all, my dear countrymen, to adopt any measures for your relief, and none would ever be effectual but a full submission to, and acknowledgment of, the supreme jurisdiction of the Parliament of Great Britain over the Colonies. You will perhaps say, that far different, probably, would be the consequences of shutting up all the Ports upon the Continent, from what I have suggested; you will rather insinuate that it would be attended with many circumstances which bear a much more favourable aspect; that the Colonies would at once declare a free trade with all the other states in the world; that, in consequence of it, ships would arrive from these states, which would be seized as prizes by the British ships; that this would irritate the several Governments to which they might belong, which would resent the injury; and that thus Great Britain would have all the Powers of Europe at once to oppose, and finally sink in the contest, or submit to the claims of the Colonies, and apply to them for assistance. A very formidable account indeed. Not to insist upon the absurdity of declaring a free trade with other states, when all your Ports are shut up, all vessels made prizes, and consequently all communication with any part of the world cut off, I would just reply, that no state in Europe will be quite so forward to incur the resentment of the British Nation; no state in this enlightened age, so regardless of the principles of justice, equity, and the Laws of Nations, as to interfere with the private concerns between Great Britain and her Colonies. And should any of them be so rash, Great Britain will find Powers enough who will remain so far true to her interest, as to oppose any attempts to injure her on such an account. But even admitting that all the states in the world should incline to take such a step, they must be blind not to see that it would be the most destructive, impolitick conduct, to attempt the ruin of the British Empire, which now preserves the balance between all the Powers upon earth, and which, should it be reduced, must finally bring on the downfall of half the Kingdoms in the world. Carnage, war, and bloodshed must ensue, till the wavering balance, after alternate preponderations, should, by these destructive calamities, once more be restored to its equilibrium, and Peace with her smiling train once more bless mankind with Harmony and joy.

Thus, my dear countrymen, in whatever light we consider this truly Utopian project, the more attentively we view it, and the more thoroughly we scan it, the more impracticable, absurd, and ridiculous it appears. Let not, then, a conviction of the folly of your conduct suffer you any longer to remain in your errour. Some men are so obstinate, that when once they have adopted a plan, they will never relinquish it, however sensible they may be of its pernicious tendency. But this character, I am persuaded, is not applicable to you all. Let then, I beseech you, your regard for your own welfare, your attachment to the interest of the community, your natural good sense and humanity, induce you but one moment to reflect upon your dangerous situation. Nothing but an immediate reformation of your past behaviour can save you from the impending evils with which you are threatened. It is an instance of the most laudable goodness of heart and greatness of soul, to acknowledge and reform any errour which we have zealously embraced, when sensible of our deception and mistake. The experience of all ages may convince us that "to err is human." Let, then, an amendment of your conduct prove to you that "to forgive" is the "divine" attribute, which Britons ever rejoice to discover, and are most cordially willing to exercise towards their deluded, unhappy children in America.

PHILEIRENE.

EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM NEW-YORK, TO A GENTLEMAN IN ANNAPOLIS DATED JANUARY 26, 1775.

I have the most perfect satisfaction in acquainting you that this day was made, in our Assembly, a motion for appointing a cay for examining the Proceedings of the Continental Congress, and that it was thrown out of the House by a majority of one voice.

Of this event I heartily wish you joy, and that this example may be adopted by the Senators in your Province; but my fears almost preclude the hope of such good.

TO THE PUBLICK.

By the following Letters,* these facts appear unquestionable, viz: that the Committee of fifty-one first proposed a General Congress to the people of Boston; that the Committee have in the most explicit manner pledged their honour for the faithful observance of what should be determined on by the Congress.—And it is also unquestionable that the Committee nominated the Delegates for this City and County, who were after that publickly and unanimously elected. Their constituents are there-

* See Letters from New-York Committee to Committee of Correspondence of Boston, of May 23, 1774, Ante Folio, 297; and June 7, 1774, Ante Folio, 303.