is the reputed father, are infinitely more deformed than the foundling I now shall drop at your Ministerial portal.

To quit the figurative style and descend to the unentertaining language of politicks; the one has more of the pleasing, the other of the useful.

In propounding a system of measures to be pursued with the Colonies, I shall wave all disputes about Charters. The question now, as I conceive the matter, respects not a mere speculative theory, but a practical system. We are not searching after a fanciful compact, which, like a mathematical point, is a something undefinable. Abstract reasoning, where immediate decision is necessary, is a mere waste of time, a display of faculties, wherein acuteness too often employs itself in confounding the order of nature and annihilating all distinctions between right and wrong.

As the difference between the mother country and her Colonies hath originated from an exercise of unconstitutional Taxations, so can it never be expected that those differences should subside until the cause of contention be effectually removed. The short and simple question, then, is this: What method can be adopted to remove the cause of contention, without subjugating the Americans on the one hand, or impairing the supreme authority of the Legislature, by an impolitick yielding, on the other? I do conceive, my Lord, that a representation is the only mean which can in the nature of things, bring about so desirable an end; for here lies the mischief. It is a sacred truth in the law of English Jurisprudence, "that no man can be taxed who is not either virtually or actually represented." Now, if there are some hundred thousands of British subjects who entertain an opinion "that they are not either virtually or actually represented in the British Parliament," the very attempt to tax such, by doing violence to their feelings, can occasion nothing but infinite distraction to the Empire. Nor will recourse to authority, as experience has proved, contribute aught to silence clamour or remove contention. The sword may conquer, but it cannot convince. To punish men for erroneous tenets, before you convince them that the opinions they maintain are of that cast—what is this but to assume the offices of Judge, Interpreter, and Executioner?—offices never arrogantly claimed by any society of men, the members of the Inquisition, and those of the late House of Commons, excepted.

From the unanimity with which the principle that Taxation and Representation are inseparable, is adopted throughout America, I infer the absolute necessity of the latter, that the former may take place. I conceive "that the Americans, in common with other British subjects, should be Taxed, and in order to their being Taxed, they should be represented." Here then, my Lord, we meet the Colonists on their own ground; we concede to their principles; we allow the validity of their positions; and admitting thus much, I presume, with deference, that the following plan, if adopted, would answer every end that could he proposed by American Representation in the British Parliament:

PLAN OF AMERICAN REPRESENTATION.

The number of Members thus proposed to represent the Provinces corresponding exactly with the number of the Members returned to Parliament for the several Counties in England and Wales, should be chosen from amongst them. It is presumed that, besides an actual Representation of America, other constitutional benefits would, from this scheme, accrue to Great Britain. An additional weight would be thrown into the Representative scale of the Counties, which might more than equiponderate to the influence of the Boroughs.

The four Members for the City of London might represent the following Islands:

Antigua, St. Christopher's, Bahama, Bermudas, Montserrat, Nevis, the Grenadas, Newfoundland and St. John's, Dominica, St. Vincent, Tobago.

Having sketched the outlines of the Plan of Representation, I shall offer a few Propositions relative to the mode of Election; the procedure of Members on American business, the levying Taxations, and supporting Military Establishments.

Proposition 1. The Americans throughout the several Provinces, to whom the right of Election was allowed, should ballot for such County Members as they wished to represent them.

2. Such County Members, on business appertaining to the Colonies, to have each a double vote, one as an English, the other as an American Member.

3. Summonses for the attendance of American Members to be issued a certain number of days previous to the Parliamentary discussion of any business relative to the Colonies.

4. Each American Province as well as Island, to support their own Taxations.

5. To avoid as much as possible the infringement of Charter rights, the General Assemblies or Provincial Councils shall assess the quota and point out the mode of collecting the Taxes. The mode so adjusted, and the assessment so made, to be transmitted within a specified time to the Colony Agents in London, who are forthwith to lay them before the Board of Trade for inspection and consideration, previous to their being earned into Parliament to be passed as laws.

6. That each American Province or Island, shall, as occasion requires, convey instructions to their Members; and the packets containing such instructions shall be free of postage.

7. That such Military and Civil Establishments as the British Parliament shall deem absolutely requisite for the interest and preservation of each Province, shall be supported by the respective Provinces and Islands, at their own expense, preserving this necessary caution, that the number of Revenue Officers be always few, and the Military Establishment in time of peace small, to render the burthen of Taxation as light as possible.

8. Infant Colonies to be supported by Great Britain, until judged capable of bearing the weight of Taxation.

9. In case of an Indian war, the respective Provinces and Islands throughout America shall mutually assist each other with Men and Troops, according to certain stipulations agreed on by the Parliament of Great Britain.

10. The Taxation levied and Supplies granted by each Province, shall be expended solely in the service of the Province, and appropriated to no other use whatsoever, except in cases where Great Britain shall require the aid of Sea or Land Forces for a Military expedition; then such Forces shall be marched to the utmost boundaries of such Province; and from the time of quitting the Province, or the moment of embarkation, all subsequent charges, (those for pay and recruiting excepted,) shall be defrayed by Great Britain.

Besides some such articles as these for harmonizing the American Governments, it would still, my Lord, further contribute to establish a commercial connection between Great Britain and the Colonies, on a solid basis, if a new Tariff of Trade was adjusted, and various articles in the several Acts of Navigation were either superseded, differently modified, or thoroughly amended. With your Lord-ship's permission, I will state certain Commercial Proposals, to which the Americans, if reasonable, cannot object, nor Great Britain, if wise, neglect to execute.

Commercial Propositions. 1. The Looms throughout America for the manufacture of Linen or Woollen Cloth, to be forthwith destroyed, and severe penalties to be levied on those convicted of erecting such Looms.

2. Foreign Cloth, Linen or Woollen, to be deemed contraband throughout America. The buyer, seller, or wearer, to incur heavy penalties.

3. Whatever Goods or Merchandise that can be manufactured in any part of the United Kingdoms, being transported to America from any foreign country, shall be deemed contraband throughout the Continent. Fines and confiscations, which shall go towards the supplies of the Prov-