Twenty Shillings to the person who shall make the third best piece; each containing not less than twenty yards, of Flax of the growth of this country.

And Twenty Shillings to the Weaver, who shall weave the finest piece before the 1st of October next.

On behalf of the Committee.

ROBERT GALBRAITH.

Divers other articles are under consideration, for which premiums will be offered hereafter.

Address of the Grand Jury to his Majesty's Justices, assembled at the General Quarter Sessions of the Peace for the City and County of NEW-YORK, February 10, 1775.

GENTLEMEN: While in the faithful discharge of our duty as Grand Jurors, we hand this Honourable Court Indictments against several persons for breaches of the peace, and offences committed against the person of a reputed informer of contraband Goods.

After acknowledging his most gracious Majesty, George the Third, King of Great Britain, &c., as our only true and lawful Sovereign, and the British Constitution, as founded on the compact of its Kings with their subjects; the laws made in support of and agreeable to that Constitution, together with our oaths and the dictates of our consciences, the rules of our action.

We cannot pass by this opportunity of publickly joining the general voice of our country in bearing testimony against many oppressive Acts of Parliament passed in his present Majesty's reign, relative to his American Colonies, and which, at present, are the cause of so much trouble and uneasiness in the minds of his loyal American subjects.

Particularly against the power exercised by the Parliament, of taxing and making laws binding upon the American Colonies in all cases whatsoever; against those Acts which strike at the very foundation of British liberty, the Trial by Juries; such are those by which the powers of Admiralty and Vice Admiralty Courts are extended beyond their ancient limits; the Judges empowered to receive their Salaries and Fees from effects condemned by themselves; the Officers of his Majesty's Customs empowered to break open and enter Houses without the authority of any Civil Magistrate, founded on legal information; enormous forfeitures incurred for slight offences; vexatious informers exempted from paying damages to which they are justly liable; and oppressive security required from owners before they are allowed to defend their rights; by all which, the lives, liberty, and property of Americans are rendered insecure.

EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM CONNECTICUT TO MR. RIVINGTON, IN NEW-YORK, DATED FEBRUARY 10, 1775.

One day last week, a Presbyterian Minister not far distant from North-Haven, applied to a Lieutenant of the Militia to step into the market and give him the words of command, in order to his performing the manual exercise; the officer declined it, but being repeatedly pressed to a compliance, consented. The Minister declared he had practised the military exercise with an intention of going to Boston against the King's Troops, if there should be occasion for his service. Having taken post in the market, he shouldered, faced, inarched, and performed all the motions with much exactness, to the great delight of a turbulent Hibernian, (who was about eighteen years ago sold in this part of the world,) and on all occasions, insults the name and Government of our most gracious Sovereign, and bids defiance to the laws. This Republican thanked the Divine for his fine performance, applauded his gallant resolution, and conducted him to enjoy a mug of flip at his own house; a gentleman passing by, whilst the puritan was exhibiting, a-la-militaire, asked him if he had quite forsaken his spiritual, for a Soldier's profession, on which the crowd menaced him with the discipline of tar and feathers, but the former secured himself by a precipitate retreat.

LETTER FROM A GENTLEMAN IN MASSACHUSETTS TO HIS FRIEND IN LONDON, DATED FEBRUARY 10, 1775.

The account you give of an overbearing influence in the House, and the want of feeling and spirit out of it, is of a very serious and melancholy kind; Americans are very sensible that such accounts are true, and expect to fall a sacrifice to the knavery in the Cabinet, and the folly out of it, unless preserved by their own virtue, their frugality, or valour, or both.

Shorter Parliaments; a more equitable representation; the abolition of taxes and the payment of the debt; the reduction of placemen and pensioners; the annihilation of bribery and corruption; the reformation of luxury, dissipation, and effeminacy; the disbanding the Army, are all necessary to restore your country to a free Government, and to a safe, honourable, and happy life. But is this practicable; is there a resource in human nature for hope of such a miraculous change? Is there one example of it in history, or experience? A Nation is easily corrupted, but not so easily reformed. The present reign may be that of Augustus, but upon my honour I expect twelve Casars will succeed it. What is to become of America if they should? Ought she not to think in time, and prepare for the worst?

I have a great curiosity to know how the proceedings of the Congress at Philadelphia are relished in London, at St. James's and St. Stephen's. I think it may be seen from them that America is not insensible of her danger, nor inattentive to the means of her safety.

I am also very anxious to know what the friends of liberty think of the hasty dissolution of Parliament; for my own part, I have ever thought this the most insidious and artful step of the present reign; it seems to betray more contempt of the people, at the same time that it betrays a dread of some remaining sense and integrity among them, than any thing else which has been done. You will allow, sir, that the broil with America is a very great national concern. At a time when America was assembled to concert measures relative to this great concern, a new Parliament is called of a sudden before the people could hear from America, as if the Minister disdained or dreaded that the Nation should have an opportunity to judge of the state of America, and choose or instruct their Representatives accordingly; as if the Minister scorned or feared that the people—the electors, should have opportunity to hear and converse together upon facts before they chose their Members.

The design of the Ministry seems to have been likewise to give the friends of liberty the go-by in England as well as in America; determined to pursue their system they would not suffer the friends of the Constitution to converse or correspond together before the day of election, lest the constituents should bind the candidates to act an honest part. It is not easy to convey to you, sir, an adequate idea of the state of this Province. It is now at last true that we have no Government—Legislative, Executive, or Judicial. The people, determined never to submit to the Act for destroying their Charter, so dearly purchased, preserved, and defended by the toil, treasure, and blood of their ancestors, are everywhere devoting themselves to Arms. Our Duke of Alva is shut up, with his Troops, and his forlorn Mandamus Counsellors, in Boston. What the Ministry will do is uncertain; all the British Fleet and Army cannot change men's opinions; they cannot make a Juror serve, nor a Representative. An attempt to cram a form of Government down the throats of a people, to impose a Constitution upon an united and determined people, by force, is not within the omnipotence of an English Parliament.

If they attempt a campaign like that of Kirk; if they send the sword and fire to ravage in this country, they will find in New England an hundred thousand descendants of the Puritans in the Charles's and James's days, who have not yet lost entirely the spirit of Englishmen under the English Commonwealth.

Our enemies give out that persons who have distinguished themselves here in opposition to the power of Parliament, will be arrested and sent to some County in England to be tried for treason; if this should be attempted it will produce a resistance and reprisals, and a flame through all America, such as eye hath not seen, nor ear heard, neither hath it entered into the head of the Minister or his minions to conceive.

I beg the continuance of your favours, and am, with the warmest wishes, for the safety of both countries.