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and as we are determined to persevere in the same course, we flatter ourselves that our endeavours and exertions will meet with our most gracious Sovereign's approbation, as well as your Excellency's, and that under his and your gentle and humane government and kind protection, we may peaceably and quietly sit under our own vines and fig-trees, and have none to molest or make us afraid.

ISAAC WINSLOW, Chairman of the Committee.

His Excellency's Answer.

To the Loyal Inhabitants of the Town of MARSHFIELD.

GENTLEMEN: I return you my most hearty thanks for your Address, and am to assure you that I feel great satisfaction in having contributed to the safety and protection of a people so eminent for their loyalty to their King, and affection to their country, at a time when treason and rebellion is making such hasty strides to overturn our most excellent Constitution, and spread ruin and destruction through the Province.

1 doubt not that your duty to God, your King, and country, will excite you to persevere in the glorious cause in which you are engaged, and that your laudable example will animate others with the like loyal and patriotick spirit.

T. GAGE.


TOWN OF MARSHFIELD TO ADMIRAL GRAVES.

To the Honourable SAMUEL GRAVES, Esq., Vice-Admiral of the Blue, and Commander-in-Chief of all his Majesty's Navy in NORTH AMERICA, &c.

We, the Inhabitants of Marshfield, in Town Meeting legally assembled, the 20th of February, A. D. 1775, penetrated with the highest sense of gratitude, present our sincere and hearty thanks to you sir, for your ready compliance with a request of a number of our inhabitants, in ordering an armed Vessel to protect and defend us from the lawless insults and abuses with which we were threatened by numbers of seditious and evil-minded people, for no other reason (that we can conceive) but our loyalty to the best of Kings, and firm adherence to the laws of Government. With hearts replete with gratitude, we contemplate the paternal care and goodness of our most gracious Sovereign, in the appointment of a gentlemen to command his Navy in America, at this critical juncture, whose duty, inclination, and abilities, so happily coincide to answer the good purposes of his department.

Permit us to acquaint your Honour, that we have always endeavoured to comport ourselves, and regulate our conduct agreeable to the laws of England and this country; that we have not been guilty of any riots or illegal assemblies, or adopted or subscribed any unconstitutional resolves, covenants, or combinations whatsoever, but have constantly and uniformly borne our testimony against such measures and proceedings; that it is our serious intention and firm resolution to respect the English Constitution; and demean ourselves like true, loyal and obedient subjects, by doing which we apprehend we shall entitle ourselves to the continued protection of our most gracious King, your Honour, and every friend to peace and good Government.

ANSWER OF ADMIRAL GRAVES.

To the Inhabitants of the Town of MARSHFIELD.

GENTLEMEN: The warmth with which you declare your principles of loyalty to your Sovereign, and his constitutional Government, cannot fail of being grateful to the mind of every lover of his country; and it is much to be wished that the uniform propriety of your conduct will extend its influence to the removal of those groundless jealousies which have unhappily warped the affections of too many of your countrymen from the parent state, and which are now tending to raise violent commotions, and involve in ruin and destruction this unfortunate Province.

The approbation you are pleased to express of his Majesty's appointment, at this critical juncture, to the command of his American Fleet, is flattering; and you may be assured that my countenance and support shall never be wanting to protect the friends of the British Government, and reduce to order and submission those who would endeavour to destroy that peace and harmony which it is the end of good legislation to produce.

S. GRAVES.

JOSEPH WARREN TO ARTHUR LEE.

Boston, February 20, 1775.

DEAR SIR: My friend, Mr. Adams, favoured me with the sight of your last letter. I am sincerely glad of your return to England, as I think your assistance was never more wanted there than at present. It is truly astonishing that the Administration should have a doubt of the resolution of the Americans to make the last appeal, rather than submit to wear the yoke prepared for their necks. We have waited with a degree of patience which is seldom to be met with; but I will venture to assert that there has not been any great allay of cowardice, though both friends and enemies seem to suspect us of want of courage. I trust the event, which I confess I think is near at hand, will confound our enemies and rejoice those who wish well to us. It is time for Britain to take some serious steps towards a reconciliation with her Colonies. The people here are weary of watching the measures of those who are endeavouring to enslave them; they say they have been spending their time for ten years, in counteracting the plans of their adversaries; and many of them begin to think that the difference between them will never be amicably settled; but that they shall always be subject to affronts from the caprice of every British Minister. They even sometimes speak of an open rupture with Great Britain, as a state preferable to the present uncertain condition of affairs; and although it is true that the people have yet a very warm affection for the British Nation, yet it sensibly decays. They are loyal subjects to the King; but they conceive that they do not swerve from their allegiance, by opposing any measures taken by any man or set of men, to deprive them of their liberties. They conceive that they are the King's enemies, who would destroy the Constitution; for the King is annihilated when the Constitution is destroyed.

It is not yet too late to accommodate the dispute amicably; but I am of opinion that if once General Gage should lead his Troops into the country, with a design to enforce the late Acts of Parliament, Great Britain may take her leave, at least of the New England Colonies, and, if I mistake not, of all America. If there is any wisdom in the Nation, God grant it may be speedily called forth. Every day, every hour, widens the breach. A Richmond, a Chatham, a Shelburne, a Camden, with their noble associates, may yet repair it; and it is a work which none but the greatest of men can conduct. May you be successful and happy in your labours for the publick safety.

I am, sir, with great respect, your very humble servant,

JOSEPH WARREN.


London, February 21, 1775.

At a Court of Common Council, held at Guildhall, the following Resolutions were come to:

Resolved, That the measures of Administration respecting our fellow-subjects in America, adopted by the late Parliament, appear to this Court in the highest degree dangerous and alarming, and demand our most serious attention.

Resolved, That as the opinion of this Court hath already been very fully and particularly declared against an Act of the late Parliament, entituled "An Act for the making more effectual provision for the government of the Province of Quebec, in North America," we think it equally our duty to bear testimony also against four other Acts of the said Parliament, which we esteem highly injurious to our fellow subjects in America, viz: "An Act for the better regulating the government of the Province of the Massachusetts Bay; also "An Act for the impartial administration of Justice, in the cases of persons questioned for any acts done by them in the execution of the Law, or for the suppression of Riots and Tumults in the Province of Massachusetts Bay;" and also "An Act to discontinue the landing and discharging, &c., of Goods, Wares, and Merchandises, at the Town and in the Harbour of Boston; and also an Act entituled An Act for providing suitable Quarters for Officers and Soldiers in his Majesty's service in North America;" they appearing to this Court to be not only contrary to many of the fundamental principles of the English Constitution, and most essential rights of the subject, but also apparently inconsistent with natural justice and equity; and we are there-

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