fraught with inhumanity, and totally destitute of good policy. It is sufficient for me, that the spirit by which they are actuated, and which is likely again to predominate, is a spirit of so dangerous a nature as ought not to receive our countenance. Whilst, therefore, we regard the dignity and importance of this House; whilst we desire to preserve consistency in our conduct, we cannot consent to a motion which would establish a body who have assumed the most unlimited powers, and are actuated by the most dangerous principles; therefore, I hope this House will have too much prudence, as well as virtue, to give a sanction to an assembly who would sap our Constitution, and may probably involve this once happy country in all the horrours of a civil war. However, let their determination be as it will, I shall have the satisfaction of doing my duty, in declaring my dissent to the motion now before the House.

[The following was sent to the Printer by a gantleman who assures him it is nearly verbatim as it was spoken by Isaac Wilkins, Esquire, of Westchester, during the late session of the General Assembly of the Province of New-York, in a debate relative to the Continental Congress.]

MR. SPEAKER: The subject now under our consideration, is the most important, I believe, that has ever come before this House; nothing less than the welfare, I had almost said the existence, of this Colony, and perhaps of all America, depends upon the result of our present deliberations.

Deeply impressed with this idea, I rise with the greatest anxiety of mind to deliver my sentiments on this occasion. Whether they are such as this House will think proper to approve, I cannot tell; but sure I am they are such as are dictated by an honest heart—an heart biased by no selfish or sinister motives, and warped by no attachment to sect, persons, or party.

There is not, I am persuaded, an individual in this Assembly who does not wish well to America in general, and who is not solicitous for the preservation of this Province in particular. For my own part I feel more real concern than I can well express, at the gloomy prospect of our affairs, and I would sacrifice more, much more, than most men would be willing to believe, if I could by that means rescue my country from the ruin and destruction that is now ready to overwhelm her. The necessity of a speedy reconciliation between us and our mother country, must be obvious to every one who is not totally destitute of sense and feeling; so that there can be no dispute now, I presume, but about the means of accomplishing it. Before I give my opinion, however, upon this matter, I must beg the indulgence of the House, while I exhibit a short view of the rise and progress of our present disturbances in America.

Ever since the first settlement of these Colonies, Great Britain has claimed and exercised the right of jurisdiction over them, and her claim was founded in reason, and in the nature of Civil Government; for it is certain beyond all manner of doubt and controversy, that the supreme authority of every Empire must extend over the whole and every part of that Empire, otherwise there must be imperium in imperio, two absolute and distinct powers in one and the same Government, which is impossible; and consequently the supreme authority of the British Empire, which is vested in the King, Lords, and Commons, must extend over these Colonies, which are part of the British Empire. This authority was never disputed by the Colonists till the time of the Stamp Act and then no farther than as lo the right of imposing internal taxes; for the right of regulating trade, and of imposing duties upon articles of commerce, was universally acknowledged as essential to the supremacy of the British Parliament. Their right of internal taxation over the Colonies, was by the Americans opposed upon this principle, that it was contrary to one of the fundamentals of our free Constitution, which forbids the taking of the subjects' money without their consent, given either personally or by their Representatives. This power of disposing of their property, they imagined and asserted was lodged in their Provincial Legislatures only. Be that as it will, this was certainly placing their liberty upon a proper basis; here they ought to have rested: here they ought to have bounded their demands; this would have been a sufficient barrier against arbitrary power. The Parliament, in consequence of this, although they did not relinquish their claim of right to tax the Colonies, repealed that impolitick and oppressive Act; and although they afterwards imposed duties on Paper, Glass, Paints, Colours, &sc., yet those also, in compliance with our demands, were taken off; so indulgent has our mother country been to the claims and the humours of her children. This complying disposition, however, in her, so far from exciting our gratitude, or satisfying our uneasiness and discontent, has only emboldened us to make further encroachments upon her authority. We foolishly attribute this gentle conduct towards us to fear, and to a consciousness of her inability to compel us to submission. And when a three-penny duty on Tea was demanded of us, we peremptorily refused to comply; and instead of expostulating, or of shewing our disapprobation of that Act, by remonstrating in a legal and constitutional way, as we ought to have done; or instead of taking that easy and effectual method that offered itself to us—I mean the not purchasing that commodity, while encumbered with the duty, we flew into the most indecent rage, and hastily adopted every unwarrantable measure that could irritate and provoke the Government; we either destroyed or sent back, in a most contemptuous manner, all the Tea that entered our Harbours; we insulted her Ministers, and absolutely denied her authority.

The Colony of Massachusetts Bay was the foremost and the most violent in this opposition, and chastisement followed close upon the transgression, which, though the mildest that could possibly have been inflicted, considering the nature of the offence, has kindled such a flame through the whole Continent of America, as threatens universal devastation. The Colonies, instead of endeavouring to extinguish it, are increasing its violence; instead of striving to restore peace and good harmony, so essential to the welfare of both countries, are using every possible means to widen the breach and make it irreparable. Good God! that we should be so void of common sense; that we should be so blind to our own happiness! What advantage, in the name of Heaven, can we propose to ourselves, in being at enmity with Great Britain? Shall we by this means become more powerful, more wealthy, or more free? Let us pause a moment, and reflect a little upon the absurdity and folly of such expectations.

On the contrary, shall we not derive every desirable advantage from being in friendship and amity with her? Shall we not derive strength, protection, and stability, from that oak around which we have so long twined ourselves, and under the shadow of whose branches we have so long flourished in security.

Permit me to carry on this allusion. We are a vigorous and fertile vine, but without some prop, without some sufficient support, we shall only trail upon the ground, and be liable to injury and destruction from the foot of every passenger. But if Great Britain gives us her protection; if she cultivates us with tenderness and care, we shall yield her a rich and plentiful vintage, as necessary to her welfare and prosperity, as her support is to our existence. In this mutual relation do we stand to each other. Let us, therefore, like wise men, endeavour to establish a lasting and permanent union between us; let us endeavour to remove every obstacle to this desirable end; and let us reject with the utmost disdain and abhorrence, every measure that can tend to increase the difference between us, and make this necessary union impracticable. Let us therefore, to the utmost of our power, endeavour to put a stop to the illegal and disorderly proceedings and resolutions of Committees, Associations, and Congresses. They have already driven this Colony to the brink of a precipice; some of our sister Colonies, (I speak it with the deepest concern) have already taken the desperate plunge, and unless the clemency of Great Britain shall work a miracle in their favour, I know not how they will escape perdition. Let us be warned by their example; let their folly and precipitation teach us wisdom; and instead of linking ourselves to the chain of their evil destiny, let us instantly break loose, and, by a well-timed effort, rescue ourselves from destruction, and endeavour to make peace for ourselves—not a shameful—not an ignominious peace, but such an one as shall be worthy of freemen; such an one as will secure to us our liberties and properties, and render the union be-