convenience; that this is grown to be an object of perhaps no less than four millions sterling a year, all turned towards our profit. Could the extreme benefit be all set forth, which we have by this means received from the first foundation of these Colonies to this time, and the cheerfulness, fidelity, and loyalty wherewith they have submitted to this, the sincere and warm friendship and affection which they have ever born us while we kept ourselves within these bounds; the assistance which we have received from them in war, as well as the profits in peace: could all these circumstances be, with very many others, favourable to them, told and represented together, and in their full light, the story itself would bid fair to make these harsh and unmerited Acts of Parliament drop out of our hands, if we held them at the time. But, however these points may be forgotten or overlooked by us, they are not so by the Americans themselves; they are sensible and mindful of them, from whom they have proceeded, whatever we may be, who have received them. Our neglect and indifference on the subject have, with them, the effect of poison upon our weapons. They make every wound given by us to rankle and to fester. Every stroke carries with it, on that account, a tenfold sharpness and acrimony. However at least don't let us extend a figurative and metaphorical saying to the divesting of all their properties, near upon two millions of people, and make it at the same time a warrant for ourselves to hold towards them an unjust, rapacious, and unnatural conduct, directly contrary to that of real parents towards their children, and totally inconsistent with the expression whereon we would ground our pretensions.

But how do these projectors and promoters of taxes and taxing hold concerning Ireland? Do they reckon that to be likewise within the jurisdiction of their ways and means, and in the same predicament with America? Adventurers went formerly from hence, others succeeded, more followed, until they were masters of the Island. It might be added, that this was done with a much greater expense of the blood and treasure of this country than our settlements in America ever cost us. The Representative body of Ireland is called a Parliament, that of America an Assembly; the term of Kingdom obtains in one country, and that of Colony in the other. Is there any charm in the sound of these words which makes a difference, or would the author of the Stamp Act have gone thither also, had the people of America shown a facility to his first attempts with them, and if the Parliament of Ireland had ever made difficulties to his future demands there ? Does any one imagine that learned or other arguments would have been wanting to maintain the rectitude of the one measure any more than of the other?

But is there any medium? Must not we either rigorously enforce obedience from our Colonies, or at once generously declare them free and independent of all allegiance to the Crown of Great Britain? To which I answer, if there is a medium between Great Britain and Ireland, why may there not be also between Great Britain and North America? The claims of the Colonies are not higher than those of Ireland, Certain rules of mutual respect preserved between us and that neighbouring part of the King's Dominions, keep us on the best and happiest terms together, terms of perpetual and almost unspeakable profit and advantage to England. Does this overturn the Constitution of Great Britain, or weaken the dependency on its Crown, as some language has been? Why should not then forbearance, moderation, and regard towards that, a little more distant portion of our country, produce in the one case effects consonant and answerable to what the like causes do in the other? It is most evident, and may in general be depended on, that no evil consequences can happen from any condition or situation between Great Britain and her Colonies, which does actually and advantageously obtain between Great Britain and Ireland. How was it there twenty years ago, before the first or the last of these taxes were either of them thought of? All was then peace, calm, and content. The repealing the first of them, the Stamp Act, did that do any mischief? Not unless the reconciling, uniting, and connecting again together all the part of our Government be such. There was hardly anywhere to be found a man, but who was pleased and happy in the, measure, except a Minister of two at home, who lost their power and their places on the occasion, and except a few sycophants abroad, who hoped to recommend themselves by traducing and disturbing those to whom they owed assistance and protection, and who desired to fish in troubles which they themselves contributed greatly to create, What evil star reigns then at this period, that these blessings cannot now take place as they formerly did?

I have on this subject no mind to play with the name of Ireland. I presume to introduce on the scene, and to couple, as it were, with America, that country only, in order to expose the more plainly by the instance of the one some notions advanced concerning the other, and at the same time, to the utmost of my small power, to recommend, inculcate, and enforce that cautious, considerate, brotherly, and affectionate conduct towards both, which I am sure that they each of them most exceedingly well deserve, whether of the Government or of the people of England.

It is sometimes made a claim on the Americans, that we incurred on their account a great expense in the late war. On whose account have we not since the Revolution incurred a great expense? Our whole history from that time to this is little else but a scene of prodigality in the service of different people or Princes, no way to our own advantage, and for which no man can give any good reason. However I answer on this occasion with the fact. We did not engage in the late war at the request of the Americans, nor upon any desire or inclination of theirs. The language at the time was on the contrary; that the less concerned the inhabitants of our Colonies appeared to be about the encroachments of the French, the more reason we had to be jealous on the subject. I believe that I may, in support of what 1 am saying, venture to appeal to those who are the best acquainted with that period. Had it been otherwise we should no doubt have heard enough of it. Substantial reasons might be given that the Americans judged better in the case than we. There may be ground for us to condemn ourselves for not having consulted them more on the subject than we did, before that we were so hasty to take up the hatchet. However there is not the least pretence for charging to their account the consequences of a war which we undertook without any instance and application from them, and entirely of our own motion.

But the honour of Government is concerned. That is certainly an unaccountable reasoning, though not perhaps very uncommon; that if Government, or, in plain English, the Minister and those about him, do a thing which had better been undone, they are therefore to proceed in the same road and do many more such, until at length the case may perhaps be beyond redress. Surely the more discredit is incurred, the deeper that people are plunged into mischief. The welfare and happiness of five or six millions of mankind, or more, is a prodigious object. Whoever puts himself at the helm of our State undertakes in a manner for that. We are all mortal and fallible. One in such a situation had need to march with the utmost caution, circumspection, and foresight; should he make an unlucky step, it is his highest duty to endeavour instantly to retreat and to retrieve it. In the present case a gulf is before us which will not admit of many steps forwards, but that the Government and the publick will both go headlong.

But their outrages about the Tea. I presume these to be an object of discourse as well as any other subject; how can they otherwise be discussed and considered? However I shall, without declaring any opinion of my own, take them up only in the light as they may appear to an American. He will certainly say that these receive their complexion from the claim of the Colonies not to be taxed by us, and accordingly as that shall be grounded or not. If that is not well founded, that then their whole opposition is unlawful, whether force and violence, or only concert and combination. That the former may indeed be productive of more mischief than the latter, but that they are, on such a supposition, both of them entirely unwarrantable. I would willingly, in this case, write freely, but without offence; he would therefore certainly add, that should the Americans, on the other hand, have a real right not to be so faxed, they are undoubtedly entitled likewise to the necessary means of using and enjoying that right. That this