trary of what we are about; that is, to give a greater liberty and latitude of trade both to Ireland and to America, including our West India Islands. That is my proposition, we are the seat and centre of Government; this is our strength; this is our advantage; this is what we are to preserve. While we retain this, all the money, riches, and treasure, of the more distant and dependent parts of our Empire cannot fail to flow in upon us. We have nothing to do with little jealousies about this trade or that manufacture; it is the proper business of the rich to spend their money, and of the poor to earn it; the state may well, without meddling in it, leave them to settle the means of that matter with one another. The end of all trades, and of all manufactures, must rest with us, while we continue the seat of Dominion. It is the necessary consequence of giving the tone and the law. Ambition, pleasure, fashion, business, curiosity, education, trade, and commerce, posts and places, possessed abroad by Englishmen, and numberless other causes, will contribute to and effect it. The Island of Jamaica, and our other Islands in the West Indies, what money, and commodities" equivalent to money, have they not sent to England, could the whole be added together? Jamaica in particular, draws by its situation, Gold and Silver from the Spanish Main, that great modern Ophir, much more abundant in those metals than ever was the ancient. It is here almost impossible not to observe, that the same Statesmen forbid and stopped also this commerce, who contrived and passed the Stamp Act. I will not dwell on this circumstance. However, it is very remarkable; I shall therefore proceed to take notice, that had these Islands and Islanders acquired ten times as much as they did, it would undoubtedly have run the same road as the rest. The climate would have driven the possessors from thence, while the seat of Empire would have invited them hither. Do not we see the very Proprietaries of our Northern Colonies living in England as private gentlemen; and have not we sometimes known them voting in minorities of our Lower House of Legislature, while they might have been almost as Princes and Kings in their own Governments? Were it in the next month to rain over the different parts of Ireland a million of money, how long does any one imagine it would be, before at least nine hundred thousand Pounds of it would find its way into England? Have we lately wanted very Sufficient proofs, that there remains no abundance of cash in that Kingdom? I will pot repeat what has been said of North America; but they have, by their Paper Money, invented the very contrivance of the world for sending to us every ounce of their Gold and Silver, did we but know when to be content. Look at the City of London; they neither plant, nor do they sow, nor do they reap; yet Solomon, or his Jerusalem, were not in all their glory, rich and great like that capital of our Dominions. But by what means does this happen? The money of our whole Empire is remitted thither, as the blood runs to the heart. Our great body politick is preserved and nourished by the dispersion and circulation of it again from thence. This is the constant and never-failing course of things. But the case is much more strong, if we take Great Britain itself, whereof London is only a part. That would retain a considerable share of what it receives, did not the interest of our debt carry it out as fast as it comes in. This is the issue and the drain, which prevents us from perceiving ourselves more enriched and replenished from the vast quantity of treasure perpetually arriving to us from many parts. This may be the reason why we are less sensible, less attentive, and perhaps sometimes less grateful on the occasion. But that is all our own fault, our own doing. We have none to thank for it but ourselves. We ought not on that account to esteem these supplies the less; for had we not them, it would be much worse with us. Nothing could follow but our last decease and dissolution as a state. These must and will take place, whenever the others shall stop. However, these things don't require much reasoning. We have the world before us for an example. Such are everywhere the effects between the centre and other parts of a Government, although perhaps in no case more so than in that of Great Britain, on account of certain circumstances and causes. attending that Empire, which are particularly suited to produce them. This is our point, if we are but sensible of our true interest; let us but preserve this our great and sacred prerogative, and the other benefits and advantages will of course follow; the rest of these things will perform themselves, even while we are asleep.

I shall use no words to prove that this arrangement will bring a greater influx of treasure to those to whose liberty of trade it shall extend. The person the most prejudiced, or the most short-sighted in the case, will not dispute that with me. I will venture to presume on that point. This will therefore attach to us our Dependencies, at the same time that it enriches us ourselves. It will strengthen and fasten the bond and union between us. It will confirm our superiority, while it increases the fruits of it. It will bring us more spoils and profits than conquest, although it will operate by love and affection. It will require neither Fleets or Armies to enforce it; we need fear no revolts, no defections or confederacies on the account of it. How happy would it be, if all the circumstances of the other plan would in the same manner answer, and play into the hands of each other. When will men be contented to do to others no more mischief than what will turn to their own benefit? States and Ministers will have advanced no mean way in policy, as well as in morality, when they shall once have learned to confine all their evil towards others within that circle. It is the very perverseness of folly, to suppose that men can serve themselves only by oppressing others. But here, on the contrary, the hand of nature itself works with us. Freedom of trade is our foundation; no wonder then that so many blessings coincide together. There is open before us a rich and wide field; we have only to enter and to reap the harvest, which is ripe and plentiful. This proposal rests therefore on three points, to wit: that it will bring a greater influx of treasure into our outward Dominions; that this must enrich the centre of Empire; which cannot therefore likewise but increase its Revenue. These are short propositions, and no way perplexed. Let them be well examined. All falls to the ground which has been said on the subject, if any one of them be false or mistaken; but should they, on the contrary, be all of them most evident, most certain and indisputable, let any man, and the greatest in trust, the most consider, how he can answer to Ireland, to the Colonies, to his country at home, to his King himself, in the concern of his Revenue and his Exchequer, the refusing his attention and assistance to a measure so very practicable, and at the same time so universally beneficial and salutary.

This is the more, and much more necessary, on account of the present condition of Ireland. The late inquiry concerning their Linen Manufacture, the publick history of their emigrations, and the state of their credit at the beginning of their present session of Parliament, have made that sufficiently known. I shall not pretend to describe it. England has, perhaps, from that Island, reaped more real benefit, than Spain ever did from Mexico or Peru. Spain gains indeed from those possessions, great riches of Silver and Gold; but she has dearly purchased them, at the price of her inhabitants and people at home. Whereas, Ireland affords us in many ways a very advantageous assistance and support of men, while we receive from her at the same time, a constant, most rich influx and supply of money. We now so depend on these things, and can so ill do without them, and are by these means so united with our sister Island, that should she on any account unhappily sink, she cannot but like a mill-stone fastened about our necks, carry us down along with her. Should her condition grow worse, who knows but it may turn to rage and despair, and either have an effect on her Legislature, or that the majority thereof may be hardly able to manage and govern their own state. I am unwilling to point out such possibilities; but it will not be long health and wealth in England, should any irretrievable mischief happen in Ireland. A moderate remedy might however now be timely, for what may in futurity be beyond redress. A greater liberty and latitude of trade is the proper assistance in the case. It is what Ireland itself wishes and desires. It will at the same time be of more benefit to us than to them. France is beating us out of the trades of Turkey, of Spain, and even of Portugal. Let loose the Irish, and they will do as much for them, and likewise for some others. It is Great Britain which withholds the hand of Ireland, and not the nature of things that confines it. Let us but consent, and they will soon stretch out their right hand into many a