market in the world, where it now never appears; and having done so, they will immediately deliver to us with their left, the money gained there, as surely as that we are born Englishmen. I don't point out particulars; lights will not be wanting in that respect, whenever there shall be an inclination to demand them. I don't, moreover, mean to signify that any opening of the commerce of Ireland and America, recommended within the compass of these sheets, will of itself be adequate to all the demands of our present situation. That will, in all appearance, require a new and universal arrangement of our Taxes and Commerce, wherein Great Britain herself must bear a most material part. No man can say, that all the money in Europe is equal to our National Debt, nor can therefore any provision be sufficient, but what may produce effects answerable to such a very great necessity. Some plan seems to be demanded, which may bring into Great Britain a good part of all the Gold and Silver now current in the world. Nothing less will perhaps do our business. The practicability of this cannot but appear a doubtful problem. Were all States whatsoever formed on a constitution the most advantageous for commerce, whereof each is capable, it is evident that they would then share among them those two precious metals in so near a proportion, that no one could therein have over the rest any very great superiority. But this is exceedingly wide of the case. No one state is so constituted; but on the contrary, almost all Governments whatever are framed, and act on principles directly opposite thereto. This gives a very great opportunity for an extreme difference and disproportion in that respect. It is perhaps on the availing ourselves thereof, that depends the future welfare of our country, and the safety, the stability, and the very subsistence of our state. The Dutch are a small people, or at least have but a very confined territory, and that defended with difficulty from the Sea. They have nevertheless done a great deal in the way which we are speaking of. They are certainly therein at the head of all mankind. However, it is evident, and might easily be pointed out, that they are yet far short of perfection. There is good room for others to go beyond, and especially for a state which has such advantages as Great Britain. However, what degree of advantage the nature of things will admit of on this head, or how to attain thereto, are not questions of this present instant. I have said thus much, led to it by my subject, together with the interest of the publick therein, and the necessity which I am persuaded that my country is at this time under, of finding and carrying into execution some such great, general, and salutary measure. Happy will be the hand that shall in the first place, prevent the ruin whereon we are now running. We must begin there. That is the object directly before us. Let us next enlarge the trade of Ireland and America. This will do a great deal. It may likewise lead us towards a more universal plan, with which it cannot at the same time but coincide. It will withal be well, that this double benefit of these two parts of our country went hand in hand together. The present state of Ireland makes it absolutely and immediately necessary for the one, and the interest of Great Britain requires it for both.

I don't enter into particulars concerning the stopping up the Port of Boston, or the new laws given to Massachusetts Bay. However, I must observe, that the alteration of their Charter, and of their Civil Government, is not temporary, like the other provisions, but perpetual. The breaking of Charters is making the worst war upon mankind. It involves the innocent, and those yet unborn. Every thing depends with men on their constitution of Government. Such a measure is therefore wantonly laying waste the Territories of the Earth, and I speak it with reverence; but it is even forbidding Providence itself to make mankind happy thereon, unless he shall, for the undoing the works of unreasonable and ill-judging men, perform immediate miracles, and suspend or counteract his own laws of nature, which is surely not to be supposed or expected. As for those who refuse or impede law and justice for blood, let them be well aware that they don't thereby bring it on their own heads, or warrant private men to be themselves their own avengers. However, the whole will no doubt be received in America as a declaration of war, and depend upon the same issue. It must be by force and conquest, if they submit. It is probably not a month, or a year, that will finally determine this affair. The flame may break out immediately, or the fire may smother until some fatal opportunity of our being engaged in a foreign war, or some other such occasion. The authors of these measures no doubt expect that the removal of the Custom House, and the suspension of the trade of Boston, will bring these people on their knees, and force them to submit to the rest of our measures. It is evident that this is their idea. They might have been well informed and instructed, and ought to have been so, before they proceeded so far. They may nevertheless find themselves much mistaken in the event, however forward they are to hazard on their opinion the welfare and prosperity of their country. It seems that some men cannot, even at the distance of America, bear a Constitution in any degree democratical. But they ought to know the history of the world better, than to be ignorant of the strength and the force of such a form of Government, and how strenuously and almost wonderfully people living under one, have sometimes exerted themselves in defence of their rights and liberties, and how fatally it has ended with many a man, and many a state, who have entered into quarrels, wars, and contests with them.

Some say, that all the contradiction and opposition of America originates from home, and that it is only the faction of England which catches there. Nothing perhaps testifies a greater ignorance of the true state of that country, than such a notion. What is all the spirit of patriotism or of liberty now left in England, more than the last snuff of an expiring lamp? It is not longer than four and thirty years ago, that it was otherwise with us. But who can say, whether the same flame, the same sacred flame, may not at this time burn brightly and strongly in America, which once showed forth such wonders in Greece and in Rome, and from whose ashes it still enlightens a great part of mankind—I mean all who are not sunk in ignorance or barbarity? They have certainly there excellent and free forms of Government, and which partake perhaps in some degree, of the principles whereon were framed the ancient ones of those eminent Cities. They are themselves, as yet, a new and uncorrupted people. They carried with them formerly, the spirit of liberty from England, at the time that it was in its greatest purity and perfection there, nor has it since degenerated by the climate. Whoever shall judge of their temper by ours at home, and proceed accordingly, will perhaps in the end be scorched by that flame, which he may find to burn too powerfully for him, and of the nature and of the proper means for extinguishing of which, he was totally ignorant.

1 have now considered the rectitude, the practicability, and the profit to be expected from our present measures, and have gone so far as to offer another measure instead. I hope that I have proved my propositions to a great degree of clearness and certainty. I don't know what to do more on this subject, unless I should propose something which might convince and satisfy, without the trouble of reason and argument. This seems difficult. However, I will not despair. My cause is a good and a strong one; that will help me; and I beg to be permitted to try my hand in the case. I will recommend, and so far as becomes me, desire and request, that every one, when he considers of this subject, and especially before he uses any hard words, or passes any harsh laws, will place himself in America; will imagine himself born, bred, resident, and having all his concerns and fortune there.—I don't mean in the light of a Governour, or of one who seeks to recommend and to advance himself here at the expense of his countrymen in that part of the world, but as one who has no other views or interest, except in the common good of his Colony or Continent. Let then any such man candidly and fairly ask himself, in his own breast, what he should in that situation, think of being taxed at Westminster, and let no one on this occasion throw a stone, whose heart does not plainly and roundly answer him with its assent. I may make too free with Ministers of State; but I would particularly press this on those, whose desires, passions, and inclinations, are followed by effects, and who hold perhaps at this moment in their hands the fate of Great Britain, and of North America. This, I say, is an argument without a syllogism; but which, if properly brought home, and enforced by every man upon himself, may perhaps pene-