hand. Administrations have been squandering and running us in debt at home, until our whole substance is wasted and consumed. It may now be coming to their turn; but procul a Jove, procul a fulmine. Great Britain is first brought to its extremity. Let any of our Dependencies compare their burthens with ours, and then complain of the Nation if they shall find that ours are the lighter. I don't mean to make a merit of this; but let them suppose the same strong hand to be upon us both, when they shall have been convinced how little we are in this respect to be envied.

I am unwilling to take my leave, without saying likewise one word to my conntrymen of England. It is not only riches and power, men and money, which the centre of Government receives from the detached parts of its Dominions, but likewise credit and honour in the world. The Scotch and the Irish are as good men as any in Europe. This is well known wherever they seek service and establishments, and the which they are left to do in more parts than is for the benefit of Great Britain. Our countrymen of America have not yet so figured in our quarter of the globe; but it is hardly a compliment to place them clearly at the head of their own, the offspring of all other people there included. If there are any spoiled children of our national family, it must be the English themselves, unless that riches and luxury mend the manners of men. But, nevertheless, being so the seat of Empire, and all commands issuing from our capital, and our name being forward, the actions, the merits, the figure, the reputation, and the glory of all our countrymen, whatsoever and where-soever, do exceedingly redound to us and to the honour of England and of Englishmen. There is another circumstance which none of us can observe but with pleasure: I mean that we seem to be as individuals, on as fair terms with the other parts of our Nation as they with one another; that the name of Englishman is as acceptable, and will go with them as far as that of any other of the appellations into which we are separated. Whether this is our desert, or a consequence of the same cause, I won't say; however it is what cannot but afford us satisfaction. In return for these things, they desire no more than a just sense and acknowledgment of them. Whether we do make this return; whether these circumstances have always the weight with us which they merit, Englishmen will best determine, by examining into their own breasts. But this we may be assured of, that the good will, affection, and attachment of our countrymen, spread throughout our common Empire, will be our firmest strength and security, if it shall be our lot to continue in our present splendour and prosperity; as likewise that the same cannot but be our best support and assistance, wherewith to weather the storms of fate and fortune, if Heaven shall, on the contrary, have any reverse or times of difficulty and distress in store for us,

I have now finished, unless it may be a few words with respect to the Author himself. He hopes, that should in the warmth of writing, any inadvertencies or inaccuracies have escaped him, that they will be readily overlooked; he is persuaded that there are none such as affect his argument. He has wrote with freedom, but he trusts without offence. He has no personal views whatsoever in anything that he has advanced or offered; he has no interest in any distant part of the British Dominions, neither in Scotland, Ireland, or America; he has neither trade or traffic with them, nor a foot of land in any of them. His concerns, his property, his family, his friendships, his affections, every thing most dear to him, centre in South-Britain. He has no intercourse or connection with any man that either is, or that ever was, or who, to the best of his knowledge, desires to be a Minister. He is totally indifferent who shall be at the head of our affairs, any otherwise than as the publick may be concerned in it. He would not, perhaps, in his humble situation, accept of any place or post, high or low, which the King has to confer, great and powerful as he is. He wishes only that these sheets may be read, as they are written, with the purest and the most disinterested intentions for the good, the greatness, and the stability of the whole British Empire; for the union, harmony, and preservation of all its parts, and for the particular interest, safety, peace, prosperity, and happiness of England.

APPENDIX.*

The foregoing sheets were first published in April, and we are now in the next November. Time and events have, in the short intervening space of seven months, but too plainly and too strongly confirmed the opinions respecting our American measures and their consequences, which were then presumed by the Author to be laid before the publick; it is in the preceding pages explained; that the plan proposed and confided in by the Administration on that occasion appeared to be, that the removal of the Custom House, and the suspension of the commerce of Boston, would soon bring on their knees, and subject to our commands, the inhabitants of that Town and of its Colony; who were by that means to become, besides their own obedience, an example likewise, and a terror to the rest of their brethren on that Continent; but the policy and the probability of this fine spun scheme are there doubted of, questioned, and discussed. It is represented that the harsh and violent measures then carrying on would, in America, be received no otherwise than as a declaration of war, and depend upon the same issue; that it could only be by force and by conquest if they were submitted to; that we must expect to have to do with an union of that Continent; that it would among them be made a common cause not to be taxed by us, and that they would certainly join, combine, and associate together for their general and mutual assistance and defence. Is there any occasion to say whether or no these things have proved true?

We were at the same time warned, that if it was intended to use force and violence, the decision might not be so very soon or so very sure; that these being a truly free people, and their Governments democratical, they would be able to arm every man in their country; that necessity would, besides their Committees of Correspondence then subsisting, teach them other means of moving and of acting together; that they would probably have at their head some of the wisest and of the ablest men of their country; that the influence of our Governours and of our other Civil Officers would shrink to nothing, nor our own authority probably extend further than where it was enforced by our own Troops; that our very Soldiery would desire and endeavour to leave us and to go over to the Americans. Has one word of all this fallen to the ground, or is there almost a single sentence of it which is not now become a matter of fact?

It was further set forth, that no immediate impression upon the Town of Boston, or possession taken of it by a Fleet or an Army, would carry the command of all that Continent, or force them to submit to measures so universally against their bent and inclinations; but that, on the contrary, the most strenuous and most vigorous exertions were from that whole people to be expected in support of their common liberties and properties. May I call on our Ministers, and demand whether they are not themselves sensible by this time of all these things?

I will pass by other particulars of the same sort, that I may not tire my reader with the repetition of them; however, I hope that the presumption will be pardoned, should it be asked, Whether there is any one event as yet come on in the order of time, and the course of things, which has contradicted or happened otherwise than what was before pointed out? This gives a great prejudice and suspicion with respect to the further train remaining yet to follow. However, there is behind and among the things in suspense one particular circumstance, of such a magnitude, that all these other incidents are in comparison of it but as the dust upon the balance. I mean, that should by these measures either the publick expenses increase, or income decrease, or both together, so that the National Revenue shall fail, and we be rendered unable to proceed in paying the whole interest of our debt, then will in all appearance

*The addition of an Appendix of forty-five pages, calls upon tie again to mention, with a just eulogium, this spirited and seasonable publication. The first edition was printed in April, this in November, 1774, in which short interval (as is now shown) the Author's opinions have been confirmed by events. The inhabitants of New England have not been brought on their knees by the removal of the Custom House and suspension of the commerce of Boston; these harsh and violent measures have boon received in America as a declaration of war; we have now to do with an union of that Continent; and, in short, not one event has happened otherwise than was foreseen and predicted.—Gent. Mag.