be no longer delayed the day and the hour of our destruction; but that conjuncture prove the latest and the uttermost term of our peace, our prosperity, and our stability as a State and a Nation. This point is much pressed in the former sheets; however Heaven avert that fate should, in the due order of things, and at some perhaps not very distant moment of time, demonstrate it to be as well grounded as have already been found so many other cautions and warnings before given! But if we sow the seeds it may be depended on that the fruits will follow: causes and effects keep their course like day and night: events appear to be preparing and bringing on that period: men and things, counsels and actions, signs and appearances, seem to tend to that catastrophe. However, the writer presumes to offer once more to the publick the mite of his sentiments upon the state of our affairs in America, as it stands now altered since the date of the preceding pages, while we have yet allotted a time to do it; while there is room for reflection, and that any thing remains more for Britons than only to relate the story of their ruin.

This attack upon that Continent appeared to many people most unreasonable, and most unpromising from the very beginning; futurity has nevertheless before it a constant cloud and obscurity, which no human eye can perfectly penetrate: rashness and inconsiderateness do sometimes make this more of a pretence than the case will well warrant; but, however doubtful the matter might then be or not, time has now opened events, and fact and certainty have in many respects taken place on the subject. It is clear and sure, that the proposed plan and project have failed and, miscarried. We sent out at first forces fit for our intended design. The common language used in commendation of the measure was, that a few Regiments and a few small Ships-of-War would do the business. But we are now calling and gathering together an Army from all quarters—from England, from Ireland, from several different parts of America, and even our newly conquered Province of Quebec is to be unguarded and unfurnished, that we may be enabled to carry on a war against our ancient Colonies and our own countrymen. We have, instead of commanding and of bringing to taxation and to subjection all America, by the means of the Town of Boston, lost the rest of that Continent and not gained the Town. We have with our own hands and by our own counsels, got things into such a state that our Colonies obey their Governours no further than they please, and that they are unanimously and publickly preparing to oppose measure to measure, or force to force, as they shall upon the event judge most necessary, while that bicoque of New England looks us in the face upon an equality, and holds up its head as highly as we do ourselves. Matters are ten times more embroiled than they were; wear ten times a worse and a more threatening aspect than they did seven months ago, and before that we entered on these measures; every step taken forwards in our present tract, seems only to lead us into further mischief and difficulties. Our Administration is in the mean time become the wonder and the contempt of all Europe. When we find, therefore, that we are going on in a road directly wrong, why don't we take a contrary course? This appears to be a most obvious step; there is no uncommon reach of reason or extraordinary depth of human wisdom demanded to make that conclusion. It is an old proverb, that wise men do often but fools never change their opinion. No one, little or great, need scruple to alter for the better his actions or his measures; it is surely his first praise and first prudence so to do; but what must be thought of those, whom facts and events themselves will not convince, or who, being convinced, are nevertheless determined to strive and to contend against the irresistible force of them? Our political pilots have a fair and a direct wind for the port to which the Commonwealth is bound? but they are obstinately bent to run counter to it; to buffet storms and tempests, to risk rocks and quicksands, and to endanger in the greatest degree the common adventure and fortunes of us all. We read a fabulous story of an ancient Roman, said to have leaped into a gulf to save Rome; but what will posterity believe, when they shall be told of the men of these times, who run headlong down a precipice for no apparent end but to carry along with them their country into the same ruin?

The original design and expectation were at least sufficiently plain and intelligible; but the Administration having been deceived in them, there is now no longer left the least appearance of prudence or of policy in our proceedings. It is become difficult to comprehend what the authors or the friends of these measures pursue even in their own breasts. Let any one within the bounds of probability or almost of possibility, fancy in his mind events at pleasure, and let him reflect by what steps, what means, what chain of incidents and accidents, what train within the wit of man to trace, it can be expected that we shall, in this violent and military method of going on, come to a good and advantageous conclusion, and I believe that he will evidently find himself at a default on the subject. I am persuaded that our Rulers would themselves be put to it to lay down fairly and clearly their own plan, nor is any such commonly known and understood; the facts are publick; the other would no doubt not be difficult to find, if reason, appearances, and probability suggested or admitted of any such. The Chaplains of our Regiments are not to chop logick with the Americans, and to reason them into the being taxed at Westminster; that is not the intention, nor will hard words bring this about from whencesoever trumpeted. No, we will force them to it; be it so. Let us, without considering the chance of war or resistance, suppose Boston in ashes, no one stone of it standing on another, the inhabitants, men, women, and children, buried under its ruins, and all this havock and destruction the effect of our cannon, bombs, and mortars? This would no doubt be a noble event: Europe would stare, and it would exceedingly redound to the honour and the glory of the Government that should achieve it. However, let us come to the consequences; the mischief and the evil are easily found; rage and despair reigning every where; all our Colonies crying out for vengeance; America in arms, and in open and avowed revolt again Great Britain. These things need not to be pointed out. But how are butchery and massacre to conduct us to peace, to a settlement, to a restoration of union and of harmony, or to any desirable end whatsoever? All regard for the Americans being banished out of the question, either as brethren or as men, it can nevertheless not be pretended, that we ought likewise to lose sight of the true interest and the benefit of our more immediate country of Great Britain; nor are we surely to seek for any other views or motives of our publick councils on the occasion than those. God forbid that there should, instead, prevail passion, resentment, an impatience of opposition and of disappointment, a thirst for revenge and for the blood of the people of Boston and of New England. Heaven avert that there should directly or indirectly more nearly or more remotely be at this moment preparing or meditating any desperate stroke which may disjoin America and Great Britain, in a manner to be never united more! I will not deny but that the question respecting the plan of our conduct may with less difficulty be explained, if some such unfit principles and considerations are to be taken into the account.

But some one may say. What a strange tragedy and image have here been introduced? Who thinks of any such thing? We would not for the world be the aggressors; but if the people of Boston or of New England shall begin first, and shall attack or unlawfully resist us, you know that the wrong will then be with them, and that all which we shall do will be nothing but self-defence and the execution of the law, nor do we wage war but with men. I answer, that this is too high, too home, and too serious a subject, on which for any one to refuse himself, or to be readily refused by others' freedom of speech. I presume that it is within the lawful liberty of an Englishman to demand in return, to what end are then intended a Military Governour, a Fleet, an Army, Artillery, Warlike Provision, and Ammunition and Supplies, and reinforcements of these things, together with Acts of Parliament, which it was known would not be obeyed? Are all these Red-Coats and Regiments mustered there only to assist the people of America in the clearing of their plantations, the reaping of their harvests, or the watching of their flocks and their herds? Should any one start at the idea of Boston being overthrown, what would he say were he in plain English told, that there is no appearance or