circumstances. How can we otherwise expect, in this case, the assistance Providence itself, than in employing the powers which his goodness has, by the means of the Constitution and the provision of our ancestors, been pleased to lodge with us for that apparent purpose?

But it may be said, not we a legal representative, and is not that sufficient? I shall leave the matter of fact to answer with respect to the sufficiency; but I desire to say something in explanation of the point itself. I hope to be perfectly understood, that I don't at all mean to deny our having such a legal representative; but it is surely just and, becoming for us to discourse on subjects of this consequence with one another like men. I presume that it is permitted for any one to ask, whether there is not some distinction between a legal representative and a real one? All bodies of men speak and act by their majority. It is a handful of people in comparison of the whole Nation, which choose the major part of our House of Commons. I may, in saying this, express myself freely, but I offend no worthy or honest man: no such will ever take offence at a notorious truth, and none can well be more so than the fact which is now mentioned. How can, then, in the common use and sense of the English language, any body of men really represent any others than those by whom the greater part of them are named and appointed for that purpose? This may not interfere with a legal representation, nor do I declare myself any opinion about a real one. I am on the subject ready to receive with respect the dictates of my betters. It may perhaps be a mystery in politicks, or something not at the moment comprehended by the writer. However, this legal, this real representative, or in what manner soever that honourable body is to be described, they do ever suffer their fellow-subjects to apply to them by petition through the hands of any one of their own Members. This circumstance is there necessary, but it seems to make no effectual difference. The right or practice itself has never been denied or disputed, nor therefore has it stood in need of the sanction of an Act of Parliament. The road is yet more direct to the Throne; the subject presents of himself, and without intervention, his petition there. This right was at the Revolution confirmed in as fit terms as the truest friend of the freedom of his country could have found. There are therefore required no strings or belts to clear either of these ways; they remain ever plain and open, and lead immediately to those who can afford us effectual redress and assistance. Thus stands then this point: our Throne is hereditary—our Peerage is hereditary; the major part of our House of Commons is appointed by an inconsiderable proportion of the Nation. Can then many words be wanted to recommend or to enforce the practice of petition by the people and the publick, or is the community to have no share in its own Constitution, in its Legislature, its Government, and the determination of its most important and most essential concerns?

However, as we have in our hands proper, prudent, and peaceable means of stopping or of diverting these measures, so let us on the other side consider whether we shall not, by a neglect of them, become partakers in the guilt of the wrongs done to the Americans, and of the ruin brought on ourselves and our posterity. All people are responsible for the publick conduct of those whom they appoint or consent to be over them; this is the law of men and of Nations, but it is likewise that of a higher power—it is the law of nature. I observe, with reverence, that Providence seems to unite together the interests and concerns, the fate and fortunes of each State and of each Kingdom, and to demand at their hands accounts of the actions of their respective Rulers, whether Princes, Ministers, or any other; their prosperity and their adversity appear to be in a great degree dealt out to them according to that circumstance. It is strange on what ground some people found their presumption; for the publick does not only appoint government in its first orginal, but it is most evident that it does afterwards continue, at all times, to answer for the conduct and the measures of its Governours, both to God and to man. But with respect to our own case in the present instance, can there be in the affairs of humanity a fairer or a more equitable condition, than for people to have in their own power the means of removing their danger and of securing their stability? However, it behoves us to remember on what terms we enjoy it. The Americans may one day require at our hands and retaliate upon us their own sufferings; and most certainly will do so, if we shall not exert to effect these means inherent in us, but that the things and the events already begun and in motion come to extremity. The story of the war carried on by the Dutch in support of their liberty against the Portugese and the Spaniards will sufficiently teach us this, if we need to go beyond our own reason for such a piece of instruction. We have in ourselves, and placed in our hands the power on this occasion of insuring our own safety, and of restoring to our Colonies and our countrymen of America their rights, their peace, their properties, and their liberties—a most noble and inestimable privilege, but in all appearance not entrusted to us without account.

It may, however, be asked, What way is then to be taken—what clue can be found that may lead us out of our present perplexity and difficulties? I answer, that it is much more easy to embroil a state, which is in peace and in tranquillity, than it is to reduce it again to the same desirable situation, when it shall once be so embroiled. However I will, in so important a matter, venture to hazard an opinion, although with some uncertainty of the future fact whereon it is grounded. There is said to be sitting at Philadelphia, a Congress of some of the most respectable persons of that Continent. It appears probable, that there may from them come in some shape or another propositions to the publick or to the Government. Should that be so, let not these be, out of an ill-judged pride or idea of superiority, despised and refused; but, on the contrary, adopted and made the ground and the foundation of a future settlement and establishment between us and America—I won't prevaricate or deny that I mean in some measure a. new one; for of returning again exactly and precisely to the former and ancient one, there is not the least appearance of probability, although there shall in the way be nothing more than what is known to have already happened. They have once trusted to our experience and our prudence; however they have found these but a weak and a slender security. They will undoubtedly expect some stronger and better barrier—some line to be drawn, or some landmark to be fixed in futurity between us. I speak it with the utmost sincerity, that I verily believe them to understand the joint interests of Great Britain and of America better than we do, and that they will in the first instance propose nothing unfit or unbecoming with respect to this country; but should we neglect or reject proper terms when they are offered, we may perhaps afterwards not come readily to the same again. Our Charles the First granted ten times more at last than would have contented and have satisfied at first; but he ever suffered himself to be forced—that was his evil policy and evil fortune. None thanked him for what he did; he lost at length all, his head not excepted. Do not let our state or our Government imitate in their conduct that unfortunate Prince. There may directly be for a Kingdom no block or scaffold, but there are just and equal laws, and a severe and irresistible fatality attending upon the transgression of them. What is in the general course of an infinite universe perpetually proceeding in obedience to those laws the existence, the rise or the fall of a state, any more upon the comparison than that of a single person? These are not light and trifling matters which are now in operation—a midsummer night's dream, or the story of a day, with which we may divert ourselves at our will. It may be depended upon that it is forever, if these Provinces shall once be severed from us. The command and the government of great countries are not to be taken up again at pleasure, when they shall have fallen from the hand that holds them, like the playthings of children.

But it may be observed to have been thrown out that France and Spain would interfere; whereas nothing of that kind has happened, nor are we disturbed by either of them. I answer that their Ministers of State must otherwise have been much as thoughtless and as inconsiderate as our own. It is fit that the fish should fasten on the hook, or be entangled in the net, beyond the power of getting free, before the hand appears which is to strike or to make a prey of it. He is surely but a poor politician who can be laid