Kingdom on a battle; and if we are left without a necessary strength to support wavering minds in such a conjuncture, while we are thinking of depriving our fellow-citizens of their just and legal rights in America, we may, as a proper punishment, lose our own. It is true, that, by the present vote, we do not preclude ourselves from an augmentation in the course of the session, in case the exigencies of the state shall require it, and so far I am willing to assent to the present motion; but, I beg gentlemen in Administration will, in the mean time, draw no merit from proposing so low an establishment, unless they intend to alter their measures, since it is undoubtedly inadequate to our situation; and I would likewise caution the landed interest, not to plume themselves on the escape they have made, since it is equally evident, a further taxation, if not included in the general vote of this year, must be demanded by extraordinaries, or a vote of credit, to meet them next session, under the multiplied expenses of that mode of raising money.

With regard to the Navy, I confess it to be extremely hard, that the noble Lord should be attacked in the last session of Parliament for too great profusion, and blamed in this for the reduction that was then deemed necessary; but I am not one of those who are captivated with a simple proposition upon paper, when all the avenues of extravagance are kept open; while the situation of our affairs from the worst judged policy, necessarily leads us to open these sluices of expense. It is therefore in vain to hold out economical resolutions in our votes, when our conduct must produce a contrary effect. I hope, however, that the sentiments of gentlemen on the subject of American affairs begin to alter. I hope they will now see what men, uncorrupted by the luxurious vices of a great capital, are capable of suffering, in support of essential privileges; and that the flattering expectations of seeing America at our feet, are now vanished.

To those who conceive that men are to yield their rights from oppression and distress, I would recall to their memory the sufferings of the late Parliament of Paris. The haughty mind of a debauched Minister, and an imperious Chancellor, had induced the late King of France to violate all the ancient and established privileges of that august body, the only remaining check against the despotism of the Monarch; even men of wit and genius were found base enough to vilify the claims of the Parliament; for I am sorry to observe, that fortitude of mind does not always accompany excellent talents; and that many men possessing those rare gifts are too often induced to lend their ingenuity to the hand that pays them, in support of the doctrines of the day. Is it possible for any of the people of America to undergo greater distress than those worthy patriots in France have suffered? Deprived of their office and subsistence, banished from their friends, vilified by the Court, no prospect of a change; yet supported by principle and a good conscience, they have now seen their day of triumph, and felt the reward of virtue; securing to their country, by their perseverance, more essential rights than have been obtained by three civil wars. After such concessions from the King of France, shall the King of Great Britain be ashamed to yield to the just cries of two millions of his subjects?

I know all the arguments which are used to entangle weak men in support of the present arbitrary tenets. The subject, indeed, is complicated; and men are confounded more than convinced. It is said that legislation existing in the Parliament of Great Britain, taxation, which is a part of legislation, must necessarily be included. The various privileges which subsist in every free state, are hardly to be determined by any reasoning a priori. Such dilemmas occur on every subject. Can any position appear more ridiculous to those who maintain the doctrines of virtual representation, than, that a Borough should send two Members to Parliament, without house or inhabitant? And yet there are many who hear me, strenuous advocates against American Charters, that hold their seats in this House under such a curious representation. At the same time, I confess the basis of the Constitution depends on preserving their privileges entire, since no man can say how far the reform would reach; and the whole art of Government consists in preserving to every one his established rights. The most certain science we know, is mathematics; yet, it 1 was to say to many men, that two lines might approach nearer and nearer to all eternity, and never could meet, they would think the assertion ridiculous and absurd. Nevertheless, there is nothing so certain as the truth of that theory. It is equally true, that legislation may exist without the power of taxation. The Kingdom of Ireland, within our own Dominions, is a proof of what these learned gentlemen assert to be so impossible. A worthy Member in my eye, (Mr. Rigby,) being pressed with this argument in the last session of Parliament, from the fairness of his mind, he avowed, as his opinion, "that we could tax Ireland." I remember there were some gentlemen in the gallery when this declaration was made, whom I immediately perceived, by the contortions in their countenance, to be Irish Members. Next day the worthy Member chose to make some apology to his friends. He said, no parallel could be drawn between Ireland and the Colonies; for Ireland had a paraphernalia; and this satisfied both the English and Irish Members. For my part, I do not see what difficulty can occur, in leaving the different Colonies on the same footing of raising money by requisition, as from the people of Ireland. If it is thought this manner of raising supplies might throw too much power into the hands of the Crown, that power might be limited, so as not to be exerted, except upon the address of both Houses of Parliament, such as has been lately adopted respecting the prerogative in regulating the coin. I am still hopeful, that the tense chord, on which our American creed has been said and sung, will be relaxed. I think I perceive the tone of the noble Lord is not so loud, or so lofty, as on some former debates on this subject. I hope it does not proceed from want of health, in which case, no man could feel more sorrow for his Lordship than myself; but, I hope it arises from a more serious and deep reflection on the subject, where his own good sense has had room to operate, free from those violent associates, who seem to have precipitated his Lordship into such harsh and cruel measures, contrary to his own natural good temper. Here then I shall conclude as I set out, hoping that generous, just, pacifick measures, will be adopted; but still insisting, that no man can determine properly on the number of forces to be employed, until we know the measures that are to be pursued respecting America.

Mr. Fox said, it was proper to include Ireland in all debates upon American taxation, in order to ascertain the Parliamentary right of taxation over every part of the British Dominions.

Lord Clare jocularly complimented Mr. Rigby highly on the exceeding popularity, reverence, and esteem, that gentleman was held in by the whole Irish Nation; that there was no man in England or Ireland more loved or revered.

Mr. Rigby said, he acted in that country as Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant, which, on many accounts, was rather an invidious and critical station; that the sentiments now alluded to, he maintained upon general principles; that his opinion was not singular, for he was supported in it by a Statute passed in the reign of George the First; that he begged to be understood, according to the obvious construction of that Statute; and that, according to that sense of it, he still continued to be of opinion, that the Legislature of Great Britain had a right to make laws to bind Ireland, and all the other members and dependencies of the British Empire.

Mr. Cruger, the new Member for Bristol, an American by birth, spoke next. I rise, sir, to say a few words on this important subject, with all the diffidence and awe which must strike the mind, on a first attempt to speak before so august an assembly. Had I remained silent on this occasion, I must have condemned myself for seeming to desert a cause which I think it my duty to espouse. I cannot but be heard with candour by Englishmen, when what I offer is dictated by a love to my country.

I am far from approving all the proceedings in America, Many of their measures have been a dishonour to their cause. Their rights might have been asserted without violence, and their claims stated with temper as well as firmness. But permit me to say, sir, that if they have erred, it may be considered as a failing of human nature. A people animated with a love of liberty, and alarmed with apprehensions of its being in danger, will unavoidably run