others of a similar nature; but is for having matters coolly considered, fully investigated, and wisely and effectually determined; the latter, aiming at the same point, considering the circumstances in the most urgent and pressing light, is more eager to arrive at the completion of his wishes, not perhaps contemplating or foreseeing the obstructions that may retard him in his progress. The right honourable gentleman's confessed ignorance of what is proper to be done, or the measures his friends mean to adopt, I am extremely ready to believe; and have no reason to doubt but their present knowledge and foresight are nearly on a par. He certainly mistakes the matter, if he supposes that we on this side of the House wish for a War Establishment in time of peace. No, sir, what we object to is, that a speech which breathed nothing but war, and accompanied with the motives of such a declaration, should, without any cause whatever assigned, at once sink into a tranquil silence—a Peace Establishment formed on the lowest scale.

I am not now contending what the establishment ought to be, but I contend that the one already voted by no means corresponds with the intimations given to this House from authority. I know that a heavy Peace Establishment is ruinous and destructive to any country where it is kept up. I remember very well, too, that I, among other son these benches, have been long dinning this doctrine in the ears of the Minister. I remember, likewise, that for so doing, we were called factious and discontented; and I am now happy in the flattering idea that, factious and discontented as we are, we happened for once to be right: for the great man who conducts the publick affairs of this country, has given ample testimony to our wisdom, by adopting what he and his friends for three successive sessions charitably imputed to ignorance or disappointed ambition. Nor am I less happy in another instance of the same kind. The noble Lord below me on the floor (Lord Beauchamp,) being requested to learn from the Minister if he had any information to lay before us, or measures to propose, came posting to the House with the halcyon tidings, that all was peace and tranquillity, and that he had none. Here again the same factious spirit obtruded, and broke the calm enjoyments which might be derived from such a happy stale of things; for some of us, who are never to be satisfied, relapsed into our former turbulence and discontent. What was the consequence? Why, it seems turbulence and discontent once more had reason on their side, and the Minister came forward and assured us himself that he had information to lay before the House and measures to propose.

I cannot sit down, sir, without first saying a word or two on the solicitude the honourable Member on my left hand (Mr. Hartley) has expressed for the situation of General Gage, and the Troops under his command. It is, I confess, most humiliating and mortifying; and it is difficult to say, whether those who have put them into it deserve most our compassion or our ridicule. It is, indeed, an absurdity without parallel—a warlike Parliament, and a patient forbearing General. I would not be understood to reflect on the gentleman, who I understand is a very worthy, intelligent, deserving man; no, sir, it is those who have sent him on such an errand that are to blame. The order of things is reversed in this new system. The rule of Government now is to determine hastily, violently, and without consideration, and to execute indecisively, or rather not execute at all. And have not the consequences exactly corresponded with such a mode of proceeding? They have been measures not practicable in themselves in any event, nor has one step been taken to put them into execution. The account we have is, that the General is besieging and besieged; that he had cannon sent to him, but they were stolen; that he himself has made reprisals of a similar nature on the enemy; and that his straw has been burnt, and his brick and mortar destroyed. It is painful to dwell on such monstrous absurd circumstances, which can he only a subject of ridicule, if it did not lead to consequences of a very serious and alarming nature. In fine, sir, your Army is turned out to be a mere army of observation, and is of no other use but as an asylum for Magistrates of your own creating.

Sir William Meredith rose, and after animadverting on the last speaker's being so eager to push things to extremities, which must end in a scene of bloodshed, imputed all the present troubles to the Declaratory Act asserting the supremacy of Great Britain, at the time of the repeal of the Stamp Act. He contended that the General had answered every purpose for which he was sent. The Troops, he said, were for the protection of the Magistrates, the protection of the property and trade of the Merchants, and the enforcing of the Acts, all which had been fully accomplished; for the persons of the Magistrates were safe, no injury had been done to any property since their arrival, and the Port was blocked up.

Mr. Burke rose, and complimented Sir William on his great wisdom, and the sagacity of Administration, in discoursing of which, if they had applied to him, he could have long since informed them. He once more returned to the asylum for Magistrates. He said he had often heard of such places for thieves, rogues, and female orphans; but it was the first time he ever heard of an asylum for Magistrates. As to the protection of trade, in a place where all sort of trade or commerce was prohibited, the task was a glorious but not a difficult one. And as to the blocking up an Harbour, it might be very true, but to him this mode of blockade seemed rather novel. Such an expression, it is certain, said he, might come with great propriety from me; but I must confess I never heard such a bull in my own country. At the entrance of Dublin Harbour there is a north and south bull, but even there or elsewhere such a bull as this I never heard.

Mr. Cornwall rose with some warmth. He observed, that there was no question now before the Committee respecting America; that it was extremely irregular, improper, and unfair, to introduce a discourse of this kind, just at the eve of an adjournment, in such a disorderly, unparliamentary manner; that he suspected it was done on purpose to embarrass Administration, by conveying to the people, through the medium of the publick papers, that Administration were silent, and would not, or were not able to answer; that such conduct might be of a very bad tendency, considering the very various and contradictory opinions entertained at almost every side of the House; that pressing for an increased establishment, though it should be necessary, if complied with at this time, would be extremely imprudent, as it would spread an alarm among the Merchants on account of their property; because, from the instant such a measure was determined on, all remittances, or perhaps commercial intercourse might possibly cease, which, if it should happen, might be productive of the most dreadful effects. He concluded by asserting, that the measures now sported with would stand the test; and that, from any thing which had hitherto happened, there was not the most distant reason for condemning them.

The Resolution then being read a second time, was, upon the question put thereupon, agreed to by the House.*

WEDNESDAY, December 22, 1774.

The House adjourned till Thursday, three weeks, the 19th day of January next, (1775.)

*Notwithstanding the hostile tone of the Speech, and the great majority that supported the Addresses in both Houses, there appeared the most glaring irresolution on the side of Ministry with respect to American affaire. It seemed as if no plan had yet been formed, nor system adopted upon that subject. The Minister appeared less than usual in the House of Commons, and studiously avoided all explanation. Many imagined that he was thwarted and overruled by what in the cant phraze is called the Interior Cabinet, and did not approve of the violent measures that were there generated. It was even at this time supposed that he was feeling his own strength, and had some thoughts of making an effort to emancipate himself from those shackles which rendered him answerable for the acts of others, who were not themselves in any degree responsible.

Other causes might, perhaps with more probability, be assigned for this irresolution. The Minister might still have his doubts with respect to the temper of the new Parliament. The landed interest, which must first contribute to the support of coercive measures, was not yet prepared to look in the face the direct avowal of a war; and an increase of the land tax, where there was no incitement of national glory, and even the question of interest sufficiently doubtful, might meet with a general and fatal opposition. The whole weight of the mercantile interest, and of the great manufacturing body of the Nation was also to be apprehended.

However it was, whether it proceeded from irresolution, a want of system, or a difference of opinion in the Cabinet, there was a strange suspension of American business previous to the Christmas recess, and the Minister seemed evidently to shrink from all contest upon that subject. The national estimates were entirely formed upon a peace establishment. The land tax was continued at three Shillings in the Pound; no vote of credit was required; the Army remained upon its former footing, and a reduction of four thousand seamen took place, only sixteen thousand being demanded for the ensuing year.—Ann. Reg.