left in so disgraceful a state that he wished them recalled with the utmost possible despatch; and consequently he must be averse to the designs Administration entertained of further exposing our Troops to shame and disgrace; and of course he joined the motion for their recall. He expressed pretty strongly his adherence to his old opinion of the propriety of the Declaratory Act, which he seemed to consider as necessary to the dominion of this country, and no way hurtful to the freedom of America; but he reserved himself to a more proper season for debating that principle, only insisting that the Congress had expressed no dissatisfaction with the Declaratory Act; and he thought it needless to give them more than they desired.

The Duke of Richmond supported Lord Chatham's motion with firmness, and answered his adversaries with accuracy and precision. He contrasted very happily the stubbornness of Ministry in refusing to have the least feeling for the miseries and complaints of British subjects, while they were all awake and full of attention to the most arrogant expectations of foreign Powers; and then mentioned the fact stated by Count De Guines, in his memorial, that the English Ministry, in the question of the Faulk-land Islands, had agreed to disarm first.

The Earl of Rochford declared that, upon his honour and conscience, he believed Count De Guines innocent of the infamous charge laid against him; that as to disarming first the Count was mistaken; for that long before he (Lord Rochford) had made the proposal of disarming, ho had received a letter from Lord. Harcourt informing him that the French had began to disarm; that the proposal ho made about disarming, was to do it reciprocally, at a given time; that the object of the armament being at an end, form was not necessary as to the period of disarming, more especially as from all his advices from. the King's Ministers abroad, both the French and Spaniards had first began to disarm.

Lord Weymouth opposed the motion, He was for sending Troops to America; but held himself disengaged from co-operating with Administration till he was fully acquainted with the whole train of measures they proposed to adopt, digested into one perfect system; adding, that in his present state of mind, and want of proper knowledge, he did not know if he should even be for augmenting the present military force under General Gage.

The question was then put thereupon:

It was resolved in the Negative. Contents, 18; Non-Contents, 68.

The minority were, Dukes of Cumberland, Richmond, Portland, Manchester, Marquis of Rockingham, Earls Thanet, Abingdon, Fitzwilliam, Tankerville, Stanhope, Spencer, Chatham, Bishop of Exeter, Lords Camden, Wycomhe, Ponsonby, Sondes, Grosvenor

HOUSE OF LORDS.

WEDNESDAY, February 1, 1775.

The Earl of Chatham presented to the House a Bill, entituled "A Provisional Act for settling the Troubles in America, and for asserting the supreme legislative authority and superintending power of Great Britain over the Colonies."

The Earl of Chatham rose. His Lordship began with reminding the House, that the last time he had the honour of imparting his sentiments to them, he had informed them that with their indulgence he would submit certain propositions to their consideration, as a basis for averting the dangers which now threatened the British Empire; and that, in performance of his promise, he had sketched the outlines of a Bill, which he hoped would meet with the approbation of every side of the House. He proceeded to state the urgent necessity of such a plan, as, perhaps, a period of a few hours might forever defeat the possibility of any such conciliatory intervention. He represented Great Britain and America as drawn up in martial array, waiting for the signal to engage in a contest, in which it was little matter for whom victory declared, as ruin and destruction must be the inevitable consequence to both parties. He wished, from a principle of duty and affection, to act the part of a mediator. He said, however, that no regard for popularity, no predilection for his country—not the high esteem he entertained, for Americans on one hand, nor tie unalterable steady regard he entertained for the dignity 'of Great Britain on the other, should at all influence his conduct; for though he loved the Americans as men prizing and setting the just value on that in estimable blessing liberty, yet, if he could once bring himself to be persuaded that they entertained the most, distant intentions of throwing off the legislative supremacy and great constitutional superintending power and control of the British Legislature, he should be the very person himself who would be first and most zealous moyer for securing and enforcing that power by every possible exertion this country was capable of making; He recurred to his former arguments on the great constitutional question. Of taxation and representation; insisted they were inseparable, and planted so deeply in the vital principles of the Constitution as never to be torn up, without destroying and good faith which formed the cement that united its several constituent parts together. He entreated the assistance of the House to digest the crude materials which he presumed to now lay before it, and bring it and reduce it to that form which was suited to the dignity and the importance of the subject, and to the great ends to which it was ultimately directed. He called on them to exercise their candour on the present occasion, and deprecated the effects of party or prejudice, of factious spleen, or a blind predilection. He avowed himself to be actuated by no narrow principle or personal consideration whatever; for though the present Bill might be looked upon as a bill of concession, it was impossible but to confess at the same time that it was a bill of assertion.

The Earl of Dartmouth observed, that the Bill took in such a variety of matter it was. impossible for him to pronounce any certain opinion concerning its propriety; and as the noble Earl who presented it did not seem willing to press the House to any immediate decision, but appeared rather desirous that it should he maturely und fully considered, he supposed it would be quite agreeable to him that the Bill should lie on the table till the papers referred by his Majesty were first taken into consideration; if so, he had no objection to the Bill being received on those terms,

The Bill was then read a first time, viz:

Whereas, by an Act sixth George Third, it is declared that Parliament has full power and authority to make laws and Statutes to bind the people of the Colonies in all cases whatsoever. And whereas reiterated complaints, and most dangerous disorders have grown, touching the right of Taxation claimed and exercised over America, to the disturbance of peace and good order there, and to the actual interruption of the due intercourse from Great Britain and Ireland to the Colonies, deeply affecting the Navigation, Trade, and Manufactures of this Kingdom and of Ireland, and announcing farther an interruption of all Exports from the said Colonies to Great Britain, Ireland, and the British Islands in America: Now, for prevention of these ruinous mischiefs, and in order to an equitable, honourable, and lasting settlement of claims not sufficiently ascertained and circumscribed; may it please your most excellent Majesty that it may be declared, and be it declared by the King's most excellent Majesty, by and with. the advice and consent of the Lords Spiritual and, Temporal and. Commons in. this present Parliament assembled, and by the authority of the same, that the Colonies of America have, been, are, and pf right ought to be, dependent upon the. Imperial Crown of Great Britain, and subordinate un to the British Parliament; and that the. King's most. excellent Majesty, by and with the advice and consent. of, the. Lords Spiritual and temporal and Commons in Parliament assembled, had, hath, and of right ought to have: full power and authority to make Laws and Statues of sufficient force and validity to bind the people of the British Colonies in America in all matters touching the general weal of the whole Dominion of the, Imperial Crown of Great Britain,