that all and every of the said Acts, or so much thereof as are represented to have been found grievous, namely, the several, Acts of the 4th George the Third, chapter 15, and chapter 34; 5th George the Third, chapter 25; 6th George the Third, chapter 52; 7th George the Third, chapter 41 and chapter 46; 8th George the Third, chapter 22; 12th George the Third, chapter 24—with the three Acts for stopping the Port, and blocking up the Harbour of Boston, for altering the Charter and Government of Massachusetts Bay, and that entituled "An Act for the better Administration of Justice, &c.;" also, the Act for regulating the Government of Quebec; and the Act passed in the same session relating to the quarters of Soldiers, shall be, and are hereby suspended, and not to have effect or execution, from the date of this Act. And be it moreover hereby declared and enacted, by the authority aforesaid, that all and every the before recited Acts, or the parts thereof complained of, shall be, and are in virtue of this present Act, finally repealed and annulled, from the day that the due recognition of the supreme Legislative authority and superintending power of Parliament over the Colonies, shall have been made on the part of the said Colonies.

And for the better securing due and impartial administration of justice in the Colonies, be it declared and enacted by the King's most excellent Majesty, by and with the advice and consent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons in this present Parliament assembled, that his Majesty's Judges in Courts of Law in the Colonies in America, to be appointed with salaries by the Crown, shall hold their offices and salaries as his Majesty's Judges in England, quamdiu se bene gesserint, and it is hereby further declared, by the authority aforesaid, that the Colonies in America are justly entitled to the privileges, franchises, and immunities granted by their several Charters or Constitutions, and that the said Charters or Constitutions ought not to be invaded or resumed unless for misuser, or some legal ground of forfeiture. So shall true reconcilement avert impending calamities, and this most solemn national accord between Great Britain and her Colonies, stand an everlasting monument of clemency and magnanimity in the benignant father of his people, of wisdom and moderation in this great Nation, famed for humanity as for valour, and of fidelity and grateful affection from brave and loyal Colonies to their parent Kingdom, which will ever protect and cherish them.

The Earl of Sandwich rose, and instantly changed this appearance of concession on the part of Administration. He insisted, that to concede was at once to give up the point; that he was well assured America had already formed the most traitorous and hostile intentions; that the last despatches brought over an account, that they had already attacked and taken one of the King's Forts, and had seized the King's Stores and Ammunition to employ them against him, winch, if any thing could be deemed rebellion, it was plain this was. He highly condemned the mode of bringing this Bill forward, and every circumstance attending it; and observed, with no small degree of warmth, that it was no less unparliamentary than unprecedented. He said it was impossible, on so short a notice, to determine on a matter of such singular importance, so extensive in its objects, and so novel in its introduction. As to the stale pretension of preserving our commercial interests, that device could impose on none but those who were wilfully blind, and who were resolved to contradict the plainest evidence of facts, and shut their eyes against reason and common sense; for it was clear the Americans were not disputing about words, but realities; it was to free themselves from the restrictions laid on their commerce, that was the principal motive for their present obedience; it was not the Tea they really objected; for if they could procure it from any other place but Britain, they would be well pleased, of which he had the most undeniable proof in his pocket, in authentick letters, informing him, that there were Ships now lading at Amsterdam, Port I'Orient, and Havre-de-Grace, with various sorts of East India and European commodities, intended for certain parts of the Continent of North America. His Lordship therefore moved, "that the said Bill be rejected."

Lord Lyttelton set out with the highest encomiums on the great abilities and high political knowledge of the noble Earl who framed the Bill, He said his knowledge was as extensive as his intentions were good and great; that in the most trying situations, when the Nation was reduced nearly to desperation and despair, he stood forth alone, on the dangerous ocean of politicks, and rescued the Nation from the ruin which was suspended over its head. For these reasons, as well as the particular merit of the proposition now made, he thought both the mover and the matter deserved a more favourable reception. He said, though he could not probably agree with the noble Earl in many of his ideas, particularly relative to the repeal of the Quebec Bill, which was included in those mentioned in the Petition of the American Congress to the King, he must still continue to think it was extremely improper at once to reject and put a negative on a proposition, which carried on the face of it a plan of reconciliation; and made an opening for changing negotiation for the sword. He avowed his former sentiments respecting the supremacy of the British Parliament; but would gladly enjoy all the substantial fruits of that supremacy, in the way of obedience and submission, in preference to wresting them by force and violence. His Lordship then proceeded to animadvert on the conduct of Administration, and on their manifest misconduct respecting the insufficiency of the force sent to Boston; but was called to order by the Earl of Sandwich; who was also called to order by the Duke of Richmond. His grace insisted Lord Lyttelton ought not to have been interrupted. Lord Lyttelton concluded with a simile drawn from the Roman history, where a General, in the time of Augustus, being sent with a force against The Germans, not adequate to the service, the General, with all his Army, were unhappily cut off. When Augustus heard of it, his observation was, that such a force should have been sent as would have ensured success.

The Earl of Shelburne disclaimed the least knowledge of the contents of the Bill till it was read by the Clerk. He was extremely animated, and painted in the strongest colours, the probable consequences of pushing matters to extremities. A ruined Commerce, starving Manufacturers, increased Taxes, heavy Poor-Rates, Rents fallen, an exhausted Exchequer, and a diminished Revenue, were some of the first effects he predicted, that would inevitably follow from adopting the measures of Administration. His Lordship proceeded to take notice of another matter which had been hitherto overlooked, but which deserved the most serious consideration. It was well known, that the vast supplies of Bread-Corn brought into this Kingdom from America, would now of course be stopped; and that again would add to all, our other accumulated misfortunes, riots and tumults of the most alarming and dangerous nature. People must eat, and it would be impossible to reconcile them to measures which would at once cut them off from procuring the necessaries of life, unless at a most exorbitant and advanced price, and the means of purchasing them at almost any price. He ventured to speak with the more confidence of what might be justly dreaded on this occasion, because, when only one part of the case existed, a scarcity of Grain in 1766, when he had the honour of acting as one of his Majesty's Secretaries of State, he well remembered the dreadful alarms that were spread on account of the risings and tumultuous meetings in almost every part of the Kingdom, One day an express arrived from Norwich, another from the inland Counties, to which Troops were sent to quell the Rioters; the next day, one from Southampton and the Western Counties, and a fourth from Chester and the North. I would have these things maturely considered and weighed, said his Lordship. All the Troops now in Great Britain and Ireland, would scarcely suffice to put the proposed measures in execution. Think, then, in time; Ireland naked and defenceless, England in an uproar from one end to the other for want of bread, and destitute of employment. Besides all this, is there then a noble Lord in Administration who will rise and tell me, that he seriously thinks, the powers of Europe, particularly those whose commercial interests and Naval power clash with ours, will sit totally unconcerned, and let slip so favourable an opportunity of humbling that power, and hurting those interests? I cannot believe there is. Perhaps Administration trust to the assurances of their inveterate enemies and false friends; if they do, all I will add is, that I sincerely pity them.

The Duke of Grafton complained severely of the very