unparliamentary manner in which the noble Earl had hurried the Bill into the House. He said, he had the honour of sitting there longer than the noble Earl, and within his recollection he could safely affirm, he never remembered another instance of the kind. For his part, he was astonished how any matter so important in its nature, so extensive in its consequences, and directed to such a variety of objects, each of them worthy of a separate consideration, could be thus brought forward together, and in such a manner. In his opinion, the matter should have been laid before the House, in separate propositions, each of which should be singly discussed, as leading to one great comprehensive system. His own opinion respecting the general question, was, he said, perhaps different from that entertained by either party. When it came before the House regularly, and in a proper mode, he should declare it freely and openly, without reserve or predilection for the sentiments of any set of men; but when he considered the manner of introducing it, and the immense mass of matter it contained, however highly he might estimate the talents of the noble framer, or great a personal regard he might entertain for him, he must be for rejecting the Bill in the first instance.

Earl Gower rose in a great heat, and condemned the Bill in the warmest terms. He contended, that it fell in with the ideas of America in almost every particular, and held out no one security, that although we should be base and dastardly enough to betray the rights of the Parliament of Great Britain, America would agree to such parts of it as the noble Lord seemed to point out as matters of submission or concession; but above all, it not only sanctified the traitorous proceeding of the Congress already held, but further legalized it, by ordaining that another shall be held on the 9th of May next. He then endeavoured to prove that suspending the Acts mentioned in the Bill, would be to every substantial purpose an actual repeal. He defended those Acts one after another; and insisted, that the Act of Navigation would be of no avail, would be no more than a dead letter, if the laws for establishing the Admiralty Courts were repealed; for to talk of laws for restricting and regulating their commerce without the means of enforcing and executing them, was a mere mockery of reason and common sense. He next launched into great encomiums on the Quebec Bill; spoke much of its lenity, moderation, justice, and policy; said it was a measure no less founded in wisdom and justice, than its apparent policy, considering the rebellious temper of the Colonies was properly directed. He repeated what he had advanced on a former occasion, that those of the best characters and greatest property throughout the Colonies, were well inclined to obedience and submission to the mother country, that all they wanted to manifest their zeal and attachment was to be protected; that were it otherwise, Great Britain was called upon by every tie of interest, every motive of dignity, and every principle of good government, to assert its Legislative supremacy entire and undiminished. He avowed his advising every measure hitherto taken against them; and said he did not mean to screen himself from any consequence whatever, but was prepared for the worst, and ready to face the block in such a cause. He observed that the noble Earl who framed the Bill, seemed to entertain the highest opinion of the prowess of the Americans, and to lament greatly the cruelty and injustice of sending a military force against them; yet he remembered the time the noble Earl entertained very different sentiments on an occasion of infinitely less provocation, when he advised their Ports to be filled with Ships-of-War, and their Towns with Soldiers; adding, that an Ensign, with a few Regiments, would reduce them to instant obedience.

Here he was interrupted by the Earl of Chatham, who called on him to name the time and place. Earl Gower was proceeding, but was again called on to specify the time and place; on which, he said, it was in a debate in the other House.

The Earl of Chatham condemned such a procedure in very severe terms; said it was not decent or Parliamentary to mention words spoken out of the House; or if it were, to advert to some particular expressions, which could not be understood without referring them to the other parts of the speech; and in fact, that the noble Earl was mistaken, for no such expressions had ever fallen from him, as he knew too well, by his acquaintance with the force employed during the late war in America, which was not less than forty thousand men, that an Ensign with a few Regiments could not reduce British America, when the part possessed by France of that Continent, which was not a third of the former, employed so great a force for full five years, under the command of one of the ablest Generals in Europe, Sir Jeffery Amherst. This altercation being finished,

Earl Gower declared, in the most unreserved terms, for reducing the Americans to submission, and gave his hearty concurrence to the Earl of Sandwich's amendment.

Lord Camden argued the matter generally, and challenged Administration to a full discussion of every separate proposition. He could answer for himself, he dared say he could answer for every noble Lord on the same side, that they never meant to consider so as to decide on the subject-matter in this stage of the business. It was not, he was certain, ever intended. I am not, said his Lordship, by any means prepared to speak fully to any one material part of it; but if, as is always usual on such occasions, they are determined to consider it and to enter into a candid examination, I here pledge myself to prove every leading proposition on which the Bill rests, particularly the main one, which in a great measure includes all the rest, the rescinding the Declaratory Law, asserting that the British Parliament can bind the Colonies in all cases whatsoever. On that ground I am ready to meet my antagonists; and if that argument falls, they must, it is evident, give way. I will maintain the negative on the great principles of the Law and the Constitution, and prove, that in no one stage of the Constitution, were taxation and representation ever separated; and that even in the case of the County Palatines, the very arguments deduced from the exercise of taxing them before they were represented, will incontrovertibly demonstrate, that legislation and taxation are neither co-extensive nor co-equal.

The Earl of Chatham replied to the several objections which fell from the Lords in Administration. He descanted with equal humour and severity upon the very extraordinary logick employed by the noble Duke, his quondam colleague in office, and very humble servant. The noble Duke, said his Lordship, is extremely angry with me, that I did not previously consult him on the bringing in the present Bill. I would ask the noble Duke, does he consult me, or do I desire to be previously told of any motions or measures he thinks fit to propose to this House? His Grace seems to be much offended at the manner this Bill has been hurried. I am certain he could not be serious, if he gave himself a minute to consider how the case really stands. Here we are told that America is in a state of actual rebellion, and we are now arrived at the first of February, and no one step is taken to crush this supposed rebellion; yet, such being the case, I am charged with hurrying matters; but whether my conduct may be more justly charged with hurrying this business into, or his Grace with hurrying it out of the House, I believe requires no great depth of penetration to discover. As to the other general objections, I presume it will be recollected, that the last day I submitted the proposition about withdrawing the Troops from Boston, I then gave notice that I would present, in a few days, a plan of general reconciliation. Eleven days have since elapsed, and nothing has been offered by the King's servants. Under such circumstances of emergency on one side, when, perhaps, a single day may determine the fate of this great Empire, and such a shameful negligence, total inattention, and want of ability on the other, what was to be done? No other alternative, in my opinion, remained, but either to abandon the interests of my country, and relinquish my duty, or to propose some plan, when Ministry, by their inaction and silence, owned themselves incapable of proposing any. But even now let them speak out and tell me that they have a plan to lay before us, and I will give them an example of candour they are by no means deserving of, by instantly withdrawing the present Bill. The indecent attempt to stifle this measure in embryo, may promise consequences the very reverse of what I am certain will be the case if the Bill is admitted. The friends of the present amendment may flatter themselves that the contents of the Bill will sink into silence and be forgotten, but I believe they will find the contrary. This Bill, though rejected here, will make its way to the publick—to the Nation—to the remotest wilds of America