would be a work of great and laborious toil; and that the views and objects of the inquiry, originating with the papers, and the Petition being totally distinct in their nature, the determinations and execution arising from both must be different.

Mr. T. Townshend contended that it would be fairer, and more manly, to reject the Petition at once, than thus endeavour to defeat it; that the pretence of appointing a Committee was but a mere evasion; and that, indeed, as much had been already avowed by the right honourable Member who proposed the amendment, who pointed out so late as the month of June before it could be supposed capable of determining or coming to any resolution.

Lord Clare was for not submitting to the Americans in the least, and ridiculed the opinion of those who said we had a right to tax America, yet ought not to exercise it. He was warmly for the amendment. He said if we were resolved to sacrifice the supremacy of Parliament, he would much readier consent to it on any other ground than that which the present Petition would lead to, as this would be an inexhaustible source of applications of the same nature; for whenever the Americans had any point to gain, let it be ever so unreasonable, all they had to do was to refuse to pay their debts, to threaten to stop all commercial intercourse with us, and their business would be done; if, therefore, we were to submit, let us fairly give up the point at once; let us sooner even become their vassals, than remain open to demands which could have no bounds, and must be irresistible when they were brought forward in the present form.

Mr. Charles Fox, in favour of the Americans, repeatedly called on Lord North to know who was the man that advised the late Acts, for it was he who had created the disturbances, it was he who had placed General Gage and his Troops in the ridiculous situation in which they were, and it was he who ought to answer to his country for the mischief and expense that might ensue. He attacked the Minister violently; pointed out his delays before Christmas, and his speed after: he said the Committee meant no more than a mere farce to delude the Merchants, as he was certain nothing serious was intended.

Lord J. Cavendish was for the Petition being heard with the papers, and condemned Lord North for his behaviour in bringing in estimates at the beginning of the session before he knew the expense which would be necessary; that it was a deceit to the country gentlemen, who retired into the country satisfied with the estimate at first, and who never imagined there would be any further sum required; that the noble Lord was pressed, and ought to have laid before the House the papers before the holidays, as lie was desired.

Lord North defended the delay before the holidays chiefly on two grounds: first, for want of necessary information; secondly, because he understood from several persons, who pretended to know it, that the Address from the Continental Congress to the King was of that conciliatory nature as to make way for healing, lenient measures. As to the question before the House, besides repeating the very great delays which the matters contained in the Petition would probably occasion, it could not with the least colour of propriety, be considered with the papers; one being simply an object of commerce, the other clearly a matter of policy. He said, his reasons for not laying the papers before the House sooner was on account of what the Americans called a Congress, but what he called an illegal and reprehensible meeting, not being finished; and that he was informed a Petition would be sent from them to the Throne, which would reconcile all matters in an amicable manner.

Sir George Macartney was severe against the Petition, though, he said, he wished to be thought a friend to so respectable a body as the Petitioners: Petitions were generally framed, he said, and brought about by some interested persons who had artifice enough to induce others to sign them.

Captain Luttrell. I have listened with attention to this debate, in hopes of receiving such instruction as might enable me to judge which way of acting will be most conducive to the welfare of America and this country. Sir, I am sorry to find such a variety of opinions prevail amongst us, as makes it very difficult to determine what measures are likely to prove the most salutary; but being neither willing to be led astray by the oratory of one man, or the party zeal of another, I feel a wish to consider this Petition on the day moved for, and to pursue an opinion I have adopted from my own personal knowledge of the Americans, their country and their coasts. Sir, that the Colonies are inseparably united to the Imperial Crown of this Realm, I trust will never be denied by the friends of either clime; but though it has been asserted, America can subsist without our commerce, I believe nobody will say she can flourish without our protection. If we abandon her to her present miserable situation she must soon sue to us ot to some other Power for succour. Insecure in their lives and properties, the Americans must, ere long, experience the fatal consequences of being exposed to the depredations of marauders and lawless ruffians; they will soon cry aloud for the re-establishment of those judicial authorities that have been imprudently overturned, and which are necessary, not only to the welfare, but to the very existence of the subject, among the rudest nations of the globe. Sir, I fear, indeed, the Americans at this hour cannot properly be styled the most civilized people in the known world; but an unfortunate fatality seems to have awaited that unhappy country for a series of years past. The late war was scarce at an end before you put a total stop to their trade with the Spanish West Indies. 'Tis true, it was, strictly speaking, illicit, but it was very beneficial to them, for from thence they got their specie. Then, sir, as if you meant to add insult to bad policy, no sooner had you deprived them of the means of assisting you, but you ungenerously imposed the right of taxation. Sir, if such a power is vested in the British Parliament, you have mistaken the season to exercise it; but I never can consider that we, who are many of us strangers to the resources of that country and its produce, are competent judges which of their commodities can best bear the burden of taxation. Sir, those that are acquainted with America know as well as I do, that from Rhode-Island northwards they have no money; that their trade is generally carried on by barter, from the most opulent Merchant to the necessitous Husbandman. Sir, before your Fleets and Armies visited their coasts, you might almost as soon have raised the dead as one hundred Pounds in specie from any individual in the Province of the Massachusetts Bay, Then, sir, let us suppose the Americans to be the most tractable, the most loyal of all the King's subjects, with every good inclination to pay obedience to the mandates of the mother country, where are their abilities to comply with your present demands? For my part, I know but one method by which you can possibly put America into a situation to assist this country; agree with her upon a fair and certain subsidy to be paid you annually; wait with patience the arrival of her merchandises here, and the sale of them also; then, and not till then, their money will be forthcoming to pay you. Sir, such are my present sentiments with respect to the situation of our Colonies at this important crisis; but I will hope for better days, and better information; because I wish to be convinced that neither America nor this country are in danger of being undone.

Lord Stanley, for a young speaker, acquitted himself very decently. He expatiated largely on the legislative supremacy and omnipotence of Parliament; spoke much of treason, rebellion, coercion and firmness; and insisted, that if we gave way to their present temper, the consequence would probably be their desiring a repeal of the Navigation Act, and every other Act on our Statute Books that in the least degree affected them.

Mr. Adam and Mr. Innis also spoke for the amendment; Governour Johnstone and Alderman Sawbridge against it.

And then the question being put, that the word the stand part of the question; the House divided, Yeas, 81; Noes, 197.

So it passed in the Negative.

And the question being put, that the word "a" be inserted instead thereof;

It was resolved in the Affirmative.

And the question being put, that the words "to whom it is referred to consider of the several Papers which were presented to the House by the Lord North, upon Thursday last, by his Majesty's command," stand part of the question;

It passed in the Negative.