with licentious newspapers, we, the Parliament of Great Britain, are to overlook the conduct of the Congress, and search for proofs of rebellion among the American mobs and Colony newspapers, which have actually been laid before us as state-papers, upon which we are to form our resolutions; yet in the action of those mobs, and in the expressions of these newspapers is not rebellion to be found. And it must be by the most sophistical of all arguments, that such a deduction is to be drawn; a people governed by a Constitution subordinate to our own, but the extent and powers of which are unknown even to ourselves, professing the utmost loyalty and obedience to the King, and using no violence against his Troops, nor being any where in arms, cannot, but by the utmost perversion of sense and expression, be denominated Rebels. I insist that America is not in a state of rebellion. I insist that every appearance of riot, disorder, tumult, and sedition, which the noble Lord has so faithfully recounted from newspapers, arises not from disobedience, treason, or rebellion, but is created by the conduct of those who are anxious to establish despotism; and whose views are manifestly directed to reduce America to the most abject state of servility, as a prelude to the realizing the same wicked system in the mother country. He concluded by insisting that an opposition to arbitary measures was warranted by the Constitution, and established by precedent.

Mr. Attorney General Thurlow: Sir, the honourable and learned gentleman has greatly exerted his eloquence in order to prove that the present situation of the Americans is not that of rebellion. The errour of this idea is pointed out by simply recurring, not to the elaborate arguments of so learned a gentleman, but to the deduction of common sense only. The several Provincial Meetings have ordered an arrangement of the Militia; that the fencible men hold themselves armed, accoutred, and ready for actual service; that thirty rounds of Powder and Ball be provided. And the inhabitants of the Colonies are so alert in obeying these orders, that they go beyond their commission, and seize upon the King's Artillery and Stores; the whole Continent joining in one universal voice of disobedience to the Legislature of this country. Now, sir, if this is not rebellion, I desire the learned gentleman will explain what is rebellion. Throwing the stress of his argument on the point of proving that the Colonists situation is not that of rebellion, is implying that the present proposition is wrong only on that account; and admitting that if they were in rebellion, the present measures would be perfectly right. By every principle of policy, we ought to render ourselves as secure as possible; and if we heard that such menacing circumstances as I have mentioned were breaking out in Scotland, in Ireland, or Cornwall, would not the Ministry deserve impeachment, if they took no previous measures to smother those seeds of rebellion before they grew up too powerful for resistance. Should they wait till all the parties had joined, and were on one march to London? The cases are similar; if the Colonists are allowed to proceed, they join in one powerful army, to resist which will be more difficult, and attended with more mischief, than to prevent the evils of such a campaign by vigorous measures before their forces are in a field: I speak openly upon this point, because I am convinced their intentions are to open hostility against the Troops, and to become independent of this country; and nothing can prevent their throwing off their allegiance, and becoming independent states, and this country losing all the commercial advantages from them she ever enjoyed, but a vigorous adherence to the measues now proposed.

Colonel Grant said he had served in America, and knew the Americans well; was certain they would not fight. They would never dare to face an English Army, and did not possess any of the qualifications necessary to make a good soldier; he repeated many of their common place expressions, ridiculed their enthusiasm in matters of religion, and drew a disagreeable picture of their manners and ways of living.

Mr. Charles Fox spoke better than usual. He entered fully into the question; pointed out the injustice, the inexpediency, and folly of the motion; prophesied defeat on one side the water, and ruin and punishment on the other. He moved an amendment to omit all the motion, but the three or four first lines, and to substitute the following words: "But deploring that the information which they (the Papers) have afforded serves only to convince the House that the measures taken by his Majesty's servants tend rather to widen than to heal the unhappy differences which have so long subsisted between Great Britain and America, and praying a speedy alteration of the same."

Mr. Grenville, spoke well in support of the Legislative power and controlling supremacy of Parliament; but entirely disapproved of the present measures as every way improper, intemperate, and impolitick.

Mr. Cruger said, though interested as he was in the business before the House, he should have remained silent had he not conceived that an honourable gentleman (Colonel Grant) had thrown some undeserved reflections on the Americans, which he should take some notice of before he sat down, but that he chose first to pay a little attention to the general business. He observed that the dispute between this country and her Colonies was of such infinite importance to both, that he hoped he should be forgiven if he said it would be imprudent to enter into it, but with the utmost caution and deliberation; that we were now like men walking on the brink of a precipice; that there was danger in every step, and that, in his opinion, the salvation of this country depended on the measures that were adopted by the House this night. He then apprized the House that the settlement of the unhappy disputes between England and America did not particularly concern any set of men, whether in or out of Administration; that it related to all, was connected with all, and materially affected the interests of the whole state. He then strongly recommended to all parties to go into an examination of the question, free from resentment or prejudice; to consider it with impartiality, to discuss it with temper, and to adopt with unanimity any salutary proposition, regardless of the man or party that may suggest it. He then endeavoured to vindicate the Americans, both as to their courage and gallantry, (in opposition to the assertions of the Colonel:) the latter he did with much good humour and pleasantry, but lost his temper in the former, became personal, and was called to order. He concluded with saying, that as many schemes of accommodation were talked of, he earnestly wished that some one might be adopted which would tend to restore the harmony and affection that once subsisted between Great Britain and her Colonies, and produced so many invaluable blessings to both.

Captain Luttrell. Notwithstanding the variety of opinions, information, and arguments we have heard from the different parts of this House, in the course of the several debates respecting our differences with America, I fear if we venture to consider them in a right point of view, we shall find they have put this country into a situation we are not yet sufficiently aware of, but which requires a very serious attention. Sir, I know it is unfashionable, and by some it will be reckoned troublesome, to talk of our marine in Parliament in times of peace; but after the recent proof we have had of the good disposition of a great majority of the Commons of England towards it, I have no doubt but they will cheerfully listen to the concerns of the Navy; and as the Papers now lying before us make it very materially necessary for me to mention them, I must risk the displeasure of a few individuals, who perhaps from interest or iniquity, have shown an inclination to keep us in the dark. Sir, I congratulate Administration upon the safe arrival of one half of Captain Le Crass's squadron at Boston, because it is attended with this fortunate circumstance, that we know where to find those Ships, and so have the power to recall them from a country where they must prove totally useless, to one that may possibly need their protection. Sir, it seems to me very unaccountable, for what useful purposes these two deck Ships could be sent to Boston, though I did indeed expect, in the course of the correspondence between Vice-Admiral Graves and the Board of Admiralty, some plausible excuse would have been offered us for disarming this country. But though, sir, in this respect, and many others, these letters convey but very limited and insufficient information, they at least tend to authenticate my assertions. For, sir, Admiral Graves, in the very curious accounts he gives us of his situation, in his letters to Mr. Stephens, observes, [Here he read several extracts from the American Letters] that the only part of