every claim to that preference in our affections and for our assistance, being as remarkable for their loyalty and obedience, as they are for their industry, and I am sorry to say, for their poverty.

That America, by every tie human nature can devise, ought to be subordinate to the authority of Great Britain, is beyond a doubt, more especially when we consider and reflect, at what immense expense of blood and treasure to this country, those very Colonies have been brought to that excess of greatness and riches, as that they shall now vainly think themselves able, and insolently declare themselves ready, to shake off their dependence, and become a separate state. That they have long been aiming at it, is evident from all their proceedings, and from all the papers before you; and that they may possibly become so in some future age (long may it be first) is natural to suppose, from what history teaches us of the vicissitude of all Nations. But this I am certain of, the more they dare to sound that alarm, and the more they struggle for that period, the more it is our duty, as Englishmen, to watch over them, and not let the evil day be anticipated by any remissness or want of firmness on our part, for that would not only be highly criminal towards our King and country to permit it, but also leave an everlasting stain on the present age, if we meanly shake off the task of preventing it from ourselves, and leave it for posterity to struggle with as they can.

Sir, although I am under no kind of apprehensions from the consequences that may ensue from enforcing obedience in the Colonies, from the good opinion I yet have, of some cool, dispassionate, well affected men in the Colonies, yet I own, for the sake of tranquillity here, and our Manufactures, I wish there were any lenient measures left to pursue; but I know of none that have not been repeatedly tried; and I very much fear, that mildness and lenity, with which Government has proceeded throughout all their conduct towards the Colonies, that tenderness shewn in every step hitherto taken, has been both here and there construed into timidity, and from advantages drawn from thence, by disaffected and interested people, has produced these disgraceful and fatal effects.

For my own part, sir, if the House will allow me to trespass on their indulgence, and speak of the conduct of so insignificant an individual as myself, I will tell them, that notwithstanding all the threats and menaces, all the harsh censures that were the other night, on this subject, thrown out against all those who had supported the measures of Government, and all the crude epithets that were given to every thing that had been done, to every thing that was doing, and every thing that was to be done, (without knowing very well what that last was to be,) yet, sir, I shall, in defiance of all those threats and menaces, still glory in having given my negative to the repeal of the Stamp Act. I took the liberty on that extraordinary occasion to foretel to the House, the consequences that would ensue from that puerile, pitiful, and baneful measure; and I am now no less proud of declaring, that as my education and profession have led me a very different path from that of a politician; so, sir, from the moment I had a seat in this House, I thought it my duty to study the opinions and conduct of those, whose abilities and whose attachment to their country, justly entitled them to a preference, and very early attached myself to that good, wise, and able Minister, Mr. Grenville, whose loss this country will long feel and lament, and whose memory I shall ever honour and revere; though it is some consolation from what I heard the other night fall from a young noble Member, to find the father's virtues and abilities reviving in the son. However, sir, I will not prove myself undeserving the friendship and confidence that Minister honoured me with, by deviating this day in one single iota from, what I am confident would have been his conduct, had we been so happy to have had him still among us; and therefore, as far as my voice goes, I will never consent to the rescinding, the discharging, or the repealing any one resolution, order, or act, that either the last, or any former Parliament, has passed for the declaring, maintaining, and enforcing the Legislative authority of Great Britain over all its Colonies.

Sir, I shall be very happy to give my vote, (and if I had health and abilities equal to my zeal and inclination,) my assistance also, to any proper English constitutional measure that could effectually restore that harmony between the mother country and the Colonies, so essentially necessary to both, but which I absolutely deny (in any one point of view) to be more so to England than to America; but, sir, whilst there are those individuals on this side of the water, some of great abilities, some of great titles, and some few of great fortunes, but all of great passions, whom I fear are so forgetful of their duty, as to be sacrificing the honour and welfare of this country, nay, risking the very existence of it to their own private views and ambition, to their own private piques and resentments, we can never flatter ourselves that any measures will have the wished for effect, but the most determined, the most firm, and the most vigorous ones.

Haying said this, sir, let me not be understood to wish, or mean to recommend, the carrying execution through all the Colonies with fire and sword. No, sir, God forbid I should have so sanguine a thought. I flatter myself other means may be found, and I hope, and have not a doubt, but so soon as they find us determined to do our duty, they will be brought to a sense of theirs, and all difficulties will subside without shedding one single drop of blood; but should I be so misunderstood here, and so misrepresented without doors, (which is the prevailing mode,) all I can say is, that I am determined to be as indifferent to it as conscious; innocence will ever be to every invidious slander. I look upon all such temporary misrepresentations and abuse, just as I do on the clouds that pass under the sun; they cast a momentary shade on all people and all things; wait but with a little patience, truth, like the sun, will break out, disperse those clouds, and all people and all things appear in their proper lustre. I shall, therefore, sir, wait with patience for that moment, trusting to those abilities, to that temper, and to that firmness, with which the noble Lord by me, who now holds the helm, has hitherto conducted us, through the violent storm, and through all the difficulties in which he found us involved; and make no doubt, but notwithstanding all the obstacles thrown in his way, he will bring us to a lasting and pleasing calm; and, therefore, sir, I shall most heartily concur in this proposed Address, and be against the recommitment of it.

Sir William Mayne. I should not rise to trouble you this day, could I reconcile to my own breast the giving a silent vote on a question, upon which depends not only the existence of this country, but the happiness of millions. The vote I shall give, will be free from the smallest tincture of that prejudice which has industriously been inculcated into the minds of the Americans from this side the water, that they are to expect from every Member of this House who drew his first breath on the other side of the Tweed. No sir; I will give my vote this day, uninfluenced by party, and undictated to by power; I will give it like an honest Member of Parliament, who considers the approbation of his own mind his best Parliamentary reward, and who acknowledges no dictator but that of his own conscience.

Some time ago, I gave my support to the Address to his Majesty, holding myself at full liberty to decide upon every point relating to America, when they came specially before this House. Since that time, I have taken all the information from the Papers upon your table, as well as from the proceedings in America, by which I regulate my judgment upon this great and arduous situation of this country. And it is with sorrow I say it, that so very violent has been, and still is, the conduct of the Americans, that there is scarce an opening left for British justice and British humanity to interfere for their relief, or to give protection to those loyal and faithful subjects, of which I trust many are yet to be found in that Continent.

No man, I think, can read the votes and proceedings of the American Continental Congress, held at Philadelphia on the 5th of September last, without amazement, compassion, and indignation; amazement at the act, compassion for the delusion, and indignation at the insult offered to their mother country.

Declaratory of what they say they are entitled to by the immutable, laws of nature, the principles of the English Constitution, and the several Charters or compacts, they come to eleven Resolutions, all of which, in my opinion, both in spirit and in substance, are subversive of, and destructive to, every fundamental principle which either constitutes or supports our most excellent Constitution.