In the first Resolution they tell you they have never ceded to any power the disposal of their life, liberty, or property; which is a positive denial of their being British subjects and of the existence of this Constitution, which we all know has inherent in it a power to make laws to hold in penalty the lives, liberty, and property of its subjects, when the general safety of the whole requires it; as in cases of felony, where life and consequently liberty is forfeited; and in cases of high treason, where both life, liberty, and property are forfeited.

They set forth that their ancestors were, qt the time of their emigration from the mother country, entitled to all rights, liberties, and immunities of free and natural born subjects within the Realm of England, and that they, their descendants, are now entitled to the same; a claim which neither the wisdom nor justice of this country will deny them, provided they will yield the same obedience to the Laws and Constitution of this country, which was the pride, the glory, and protection of their ancestors at the time they left it.

It has been strongly urged by the advocates for America, that they were not represented; this has made deep impressions on the minds of many people, who thought if they were allowed an adequate number of Representatives in the British senate all would be well, and every thing again subside to its original harmony; but how vain this hope, all must see who read the fourth Resolution of the Congress, whereby they expressly tell you that the English Colonies, from their local and other circumstances, cannot be represented in the British Parliament; from which it must be obvious to every one, that it is not a common, mixed representation with Great Britain they wish to enjoy, but a free and independent Legislature of their own.

They likewise claim the full benefit of our most excellent Constitution, though, in the same breath, they deny and resist its legal authority in every part. They declare the keeping a Standing Army in the Colonies, in time of peace, without the consent of the Legislature of the Colony in which it is so kept up, is against law. In times of danger from their foreign and domestick enemies, they acquiesced without murmuring to this Standing Army, kept up at bur expense; but no sooner is the moment of danger over, and they feel themselves in a state of security from the calamities of war, and that this Standing Army becomes, necessary to secure their obedience and allegiance to the Laws and Constitution of this country—but it is inadmissible, contrary to law, and a flagrant violation of the freedom of their American Constitution.

Can we view with an indifferent eye the Resolutions of the Congress, where, in a style more becoming the haughty Courts of Versailles and Madrid, they inhibit all intercourse of commerce between America and this country. To all Nations with whom we are not actually at war, we can transport our commodities with safety, but it is only on the inhospitable Continent of America that British Manufactures, the produce of British industry, cannot find an asylum.

Much has been said with respect to the reception of the Merchants' Petition, Nobody can or ought to have a higher respect for that honourable body of men than I have; but I must say I think their Petition was decently received and decently treated. The advocates for it pressed for its being' referred to the same Committee with the Papers; alleging, If it was not heard in that Committee, that you would decide upon the Papers without having the evidence of the Merchants, which might be essential to your determining properly upon that great question. In the course of the business of this House, it so fell out that on the Thursday fixed for considering the Papers, which was the day before the Merchants' Committee, the House could not proceed upon them, and the consideration of them was adjourned till the Tuesday following. This left the very next day open for the Merchants to come to your bar, and there give you their full evidence, which we could carry in our minds to meet that of the Papers on the Tuesday following; but what was our surprize when this House resolved itself into a. Committee, and called for the Merchants; only one single person appeared, who read a written paper, the purport of which was, that they had nothing to offer, as they could not be heard in the same Committee with the papers. Much has been said too, of foreign powers taking the advantage of our disputes with America. I am persuaded fears of that kind are ill-founded, as all Powers on the Continent of Europe, who have settlements in the Western and Southern world, are alarmed lest, if our Colonies should succeed in shaking off their dependence on this country, theirs would soon follow the example.

Strong suspicions have been thrown out that the Americans have been heated to their present phrenzy by incendiaries from home. If there are Catalines in this country, (I am sure there are none of them within these walls, for we are all honourable men) who have been plotting treasons in the dark against the state, let them be dragged to light; let them be offered up a sacrifice to the just resentments of the people and the violated rights of their country; let their names be handed down with infamy to posterity, and let ages yet to come execrate their memory.

Therefore, upon the whole, if a universal resistance to the Civil Government of America, as by law established, if denying a free and reciprocal interchange of British and American commodities, if resisting every act of the British Legislature, and absolutely in word and deed, denying the sovereignty of this country, if laying a strong hand on the revenues of America, if seizing his Majesty's Forts, Artillery, and Ammunition, if exciting and stimulating by every means the whole subjects of America to take Arms and to resist the constitutional authority of Great Britain, are acts of treason, then are the Americans in a state of the most flagrant rebellion; a state that every good man must lament, and none more than myself, as I sincerely wish every moderate and constitutional method to be taken to bring back these unhappy and deluded people to a sense of their duty. But if, after all, conciliating measures shall fail, this country has no alternative left but to make use of that power they enjoy, under Heaven, for the protection of the whole Empire; and to shew the Americans that as our ancestors deluged this country with their blood to gain this Constitution for us, we, like men, in defiance of faction at home, or rebellion abroad, are determined, in glorious emulation of their example, to transmit it perfect and unimpaired to posterity, or perish in the attempt. These, sir, are my sentiments on this great question, flowing from the purest dictates of an uninfluenced and unbiased conscience, supported by a heart ready to bleed for the rights and liberties of the people, indifferent to me where I meet, the invaders of them, whether on the cultivated plains of Britain, or the more wild and uncultivated deserts of America; so shall give my hearty affirmative to this motion.

Mr. T. Townshend insisted that the imputation of causing a civil war was misplaced; called upon the last speaker to point out those Catalines who had fomented civil dissentions; and said that every one else thought the imputation and description belonged to another set of men. You are, said he, in the last moment wherein there can be any possibility of a pause that may suggest any measures of reconciliation. The Address cries havock!

Mr. Jolliffe said his ideas differed so widely from the noble Lord (North) that he could not give his assent to measures his soul shuddered at. He disapproved of the plan, and was for considering it in every light, lest resistance should be made justifiable.

Mr. Hans Stanley approved of the proposed Address; remarked on the Papers; said he wanted nothing but the Americans to submit; would then hang out the olive branch, propose an amnesty, an act of grace and oblivion, a compact; but thought some examples ought to be made.

Lord Irnham began with asking what are the real springs and motives for Administration carrying on this alarming and ruinous American war? The House of Commons, in my humble opinion, said his Lordship: cannot perceive, by any thing that has been communicated to us from Papers read at your table, which contain very little more than what we have seen in the publick prints; nor do I think it likely we should grow wiser by any information more candid and satisfactory than that they have already bestowed upon us. However, I shall suppose in their favour, that they have other motives for their conduct, than have hitherto appeared to that part of this House which consists of independent Members,

When I say "they," I mean the noble Lord at the head of Administration, and a few others his chief associates; for, as to the mass of those who support his measures, I