referred to consider further of the Supply granted to his Majesty, the Resolutions which the Committee had directed him to report to the House, which he read in his place, and afterwards delivered in at the Clerk's table, where the same were read, and are as followeth, viz:

Resolved, That it is the opinion of this Committee, that a sum not exceeding sixty-seven thousand seven hundred and six Pounds, twelve Shillings and one Penny, be granted to his Majesty for defraying the charge of an augmentation to his Majesty's Forces, consisting of four thousand three hundred and eighty-three men, for the year 1775.

Resolved, That it is the opinion of this Committee, that a sum not exceeding nine thousand five hundred and thirty-six Founds, ten Shillings and seven Pence, be granted to his Majesty, for defraying the charge of the difference of pay between the British and Irish establishment of one Regiment of Light Dragoons, and two Regiments of Foot, from the 1st of March to the 24th of December, 1775, both days inclusive, being two hundred and ninety-nine days; as also, for defraying the charge of Levy-Money for the augmentation to Major-General Preston's Regiment of Light Dragoons for the year 1775.

Mr. Hartley observed, that as we had hitherto proceeded totally in the dark, and determined on measures without sufficient previous information, so we were resolved to continue to proceed in the same blind blundering manner. We first agreed to go to war, without inquiring into the motives that should induce us to take so momentous a step, and then consented to employ a certain number of forces, without being acquainted with the particular services for which they were destined.

Sir G. Savile spoke much against the power vested in the Commander-in-Chief; and in the course of his observations made some very severe and pointed strictures on the Quebec Bill.

Lord Beauchamp warmly defended the justice and policy of the Quebec Bill.

The said Resolutions then being severally read a second time, were, upon the questions severally put thereupon, agreed to by the House.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

MONDAY, February 20, 1775.

The House, according to order, resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole House, to consider further of the several Papers which were presented to the House by the Lord North, upon the 19th and 31st days of January last, and the 1st and 5th days of this instant, February, by his Majesty's command.

Lord North rose and said: Sir, as I mean to offer to the consideration of the Committee some propositions which may be the ground of a Resolution, and which I conceive to be founded on the Address which the House has presented to his Majesty, I desire that the said Address may be read. [The Address was read accordingly.] His Lord-ship remarked, that the Address, both as it was proposed, and in the sense in which it was understood when agreed to, meant to hold out to the Americans, that on the matter of taxation, although the Parliament of Great Britain could never give up the rights, although it must always maintain the doctrine that every part of the Empire was bound to bear its share of service and burthen in the common defence; yet, as to the matter of that right, and with respect to the mode of the contribution, if the end could be obtained, and if the Americans would propose any means, and give assurance of the prosecution of those means by which they should contribute their share to the common defence—he had said, he did not apprehend Parliament would hesitate a moment to suspend the exercise of that right; but would concede to the Americans, raising their share of the contribution by themselves. This was the direct and avowed sense, in which the Resolution for the Address was moved. I publickly, said his Lordship, gave my opinion, and very explicitly said, that if the Americans would propose to Parliament, any mode by which they would engage themselves to raise, in their own way, and by their own grants, their share of contribution to their common defence, the quarrel on the subject of taxation was at an end.

As nearly as I can recollect, these were my very words; but these, sir, were the words only of a private Member of Parliament; they were but opinion given in debate. The words contained in the Address seem to many gentlemen to require this comment, this explanation, by Parliament itself, in some clear, explicit, and definitive opinion. That if the promise of indulgence on this point of taxation means really to hold out the grounds of peace, we ought to explain on what terms we will accede to it; and what the propositions are, which we are willing to accept. To be explicit, then, as to my own opinion, I must say, that if the dispute in which the Americans have engaged goes to the whole of our authority, we can enter into no negotiation, we can meet no compromise. If it be only as to the suspension of the exercise of our right, or as to the mode of laying and raising taxes for a contribution towards the common defence, I think if would be just, it would be wise, to meet any fair proposition, which may come in ah authentick way from any Province or Colony; and on this ground it is that I shall propose to the Committee the following Resolution:

"That it is the opinion of this Committee, that when the Governour, Council, and Assembly, or General Court, of any of his Majesty's Provinces or Colonies in America, shall propose to make provision, according to the condition, circumstances, and situation of such Province or Colony, for contributing their proportion to the common defence, (such proportion to be raised under the authority of the General Court, or General Assembly, of such Province or Colony, and disposable by Parliament,) and shall engage to make provision also for the support of the Civil Government, and the Administration of Justice, in such Province or Colony, it will be proper, if such proposal shall be approved by his Majesty and the two Houses of Parliament, and for so long as such provision shall be made accordingly, to forbear, in respect of such Province or Colony, to levy any Duty, Tax, or Assessment, or to impose any farther Duty, Tax, or Assessment, except only such Duties as it may be expedient to continue to levy or to impose for the regulation of commerce; the nett produce of the Duties last mentioned to be carried to the account of such Province or Colony respectively."*

This Resolution, added his Lordship, marks the ground on which negotiation may take place. It is explicit, and defines the terms, and specifies the persons from whom the proposals must come, and to whom they must be made. It points out the end and purpose for which the contributions are to be given, and the persons from whom the grant of them is to originate. It takes away every ground of suspicion as to the appropriation of the Revenue when raised, to purposes for which the Americans never would grant it. And from the nature of it is seen, that it must be conclusive so long as the Americans observe the agreement. But

* Whilst parties thus pursued their debates with much eagerness and animosity, and nothing but defiance was hurled at America, on the part of Government, the noble Lord at the head of Administration amazed all parties, and seemed for a time almost to dissolve his own, by that famous conciliatory motion with respect to America, which was then, and has been since, the subject of so much discussion.

Upon the first bruit of conciliatory measures being proposed by the Minister, it was surmised, that he was going either to resign, and would first make a disavowal of those publick measures which had been lately pursued, or that from some strange convulsion in the internal Cabinet, the whole political system of Government was to be changed; all those Members who were within hearing, accordingly hastened to the House, with the most eager expectation. Nor was the astonishment less within doors. From some perplexity in its construction, and obscurity in the words, the extent or drift of the motion was not immediately comprehended. The Courtiers looked at each other with amazement, and seemed it a loss in what light to consider the Minister. That numerous high-prerogative party, who always loved a strong Government, in whatever hands it might be lodged, and according had, upon principle, ever opposed any relaxation in favour of the Colonies, heard the propositions with horrour, and considered themselves as abandoned and betrayed. Even some of the old staunch friends of Government, who had always gone with every Administration, and uniformly pursued the same line of conduct, in all changes of men and measures, began now more than to waver. In a word, the Treasury Benches seemed to totter, and that Ministerial phalanx, which had been so long irresistible, ready to break, and to fall into inextricable disorder.—Ann. Regis.