many objections From various quarters, and on different grounds, will be made to it. If there be any persons who think we ought to make no advances towards accommodation, because they understand such to be concessions which we ought not to make—if there be any who may think the terms which this Resolution holds out are disadvantageous, I would not wish them to agree to it. But they will give me leave (who think, that even were we to impose terms in the hour of victory itself, this proposition would be a good, would be a just one,) to propose it now, before any blood is shed. Some gentlemen may ask the question— will you treat with rebels? I am not treating with rebels. It has never been yet said, that all the Americans are rebels, or that all the Colonies are in rebellion—it cannot, I hope, be said, There is certainly in the Province of Massachusetts rebellion. But, sir, could I open the door even to rebels to return to their duty, I should be happy. The specifick rebellion of the Massachusetts is, that the people of the Province reject and oppose with force of arms, the Government, as established by the King and Parliament. The moment that they acknowledge that Government, and meet in assembly to act under it, the rebellion is at an end. The propositions contained in the Resolution, form an express declaration, and do not begin a negotiation.

Others, perhaps, will say it is proper that Parliament should bind itself; I answer, that whenever Parliament confirms an agreement it always does bind itself. Others will look to the effect; and ask what consequences do you expect from this? Will you, in the mean time, suspend your operations of force? Certainly not. The putting ourselves off our guard is certainly not the way to treat on safe grounds or with effect. The ground on which we stand at, present is, in all human probability, such as will enable us to enforce what we have a right to demand; and is therefore the most likely to claim attention, and to produce that effect, by peace, which we are otherwise in a situation to procure by force of arms. Whether the Americans will accede, to this or not, must depend on various Circumstances that cannot be foreseen. If their outward pretensions be the real principles of the opposition which they have made, they must, consistently with those principles, agree to this proposition. If they do not meet us on this ground, it will evince that they have other views, and are actuated by other motives. It will have been wise, it will have been just, it will have been humane, that we have held out the terms of peace; if they reject it, their blood must be upon their own heads. But I have better hopes; there are people, and I hope whole Colonies, that wish for peace; and by these means I hope they will find their, way to it.*

Governour Pownall. Sir, when in the last session of the last Parliament, I remarked to the House that the circumstances of the American affairs were brought to a crisis, and that that crisis was actually in event, wherein all opinion as to the modes of policy must be useless and at an end, and that your future deliberation would be only employed on measures of force, I took my leave of debate on this subject; I had imposed on myself a determined silence, and since I have had the honour of a seat in this Parliament, have adhered invariably to that resolution.

I have been always an advocate for the Colonies, and the British subjects in America. I have always defended their rights, where I thought any infraction was trade on them. Where they have got into disputes on points where I could not think they were right. I have endeavoured to excuse or extenuate their fault; where I could not do that, I have yet at all times endeavoured to alleviate the resentment which may have been raised in this country against them. It would not therefore, be suitable to the conduct which I have held, nor could I feel it proper for me to become their accuser and their persecutor, as some Governours have done; much less could I ever bring myself to calumniate them.

I had early opportunity of seeing the commencement of this business. I was at the Congress held at Albany in 1754. I had the means of then knowing the real opinions of some of the first men of business and ability in that country. I saw that a crisis of this nature was then taking its rise. I have, in the course of my employment in that country, seen the progressive advance of it; the whole scope therefore of my conduct, whilst I was employed, and of every opinion which I have given, whenever I have been listened to, has been to advise such modes of policy as might prevent matters coming to the point at which they are now arrived; but when I saw that such, advice, neither in this country nor in America, was listened to—that matters were actually come to force, and all modes of policy ceased to have effect, and were at an end, I would not become an adviser of measures of force, nor ever have been advised with in them. Yet, taking up the matter on the ground whereon it now stands, without consideration of that influence either of persons or things that have caused this effect; without looking into the conduct of various sets of men and various Ministers, with whom I never had any connection, and with whom I never shall form any; having stood, and being determined to remain unconnected with all parties; speaking my own private sentiments, looking to things and not to men, I act from my own principles. On this ground, having by my publications pledged myself to the publick, I wished to be tried and judged by those

*Extract of a Letter from LONDON, to a Gentleman of PHILADELPHIA, dated FEBRUARY 23, 1775.

Enclosed I send you an authentick Speech, made by Lord North at the time lie introduced his deceitful plan as to American taxation, and forming a system for disunion in North America. You may rely on the authenticity of the Speech, as it was taken in short-hand by a Member in the House.

"Grievances can only be settled by a dutiful application. When subjects apply in that manner, it is right to grant whatever indulgence is necessary. The exercise of the right of taxing every part of the British dominions, by no means to be given up; the propositions I have now made only states upon what ground it maybe suspended. That it may be asked whether it is possible for Parliament to come to some Resolution on that subject, while they are sending Fleets and Armies in order to lay the trade of the Colonies under restrictions; but he thought it best at this outset to let them know what we expect, and whether they meant to dispute the whole of our authority or no; that though it was not worth while to spend the lives of his Majesty's subjects in levying a trifling tax among them, it was worth every exertion to socure their allegiance, and to enforce the supreme Legislative authority of this country; that their Congress was an illegal assembly; that they wore separate States, independent of one another, and had no connection but in that relation to Great Britain; that as our Army and Navy Establishment was necessarily increased on their account, and for their protection, they ought to contribute their just proportion to that expense, subject to the disposal of Parliament; that he should never depart from the proper exercise of that right when they refused to contribute voluntarily, if they did, he should think it right to suspend the exercise of our right to tax them here, except for the regulation of commerce; and to remove every objection, that other taxes might be raised upon them under colour of regulations on commerce, he meant that the produce of such Duties should be applied to the particular use of that Province, where they were levied.

"That Parliament cannot divest itself of the right of taxation in every part of the Empire, because it may become necessary to domand assistance and supply from every corner of it. That the Colonies complain Parliament is ignorant of their true, state; but this is only a specious pretence—let them first tax themselves, and then it will be seen whether suspension of taxation accompanies their contribution; that this proposition was no dishonourable concession, because, in the present condition of things, the mother country, in the moment of victory over them, would demand no more; that we are not treating with enemies, nor wishing to take any advantage of them, but only to settle a dispute between subject and subject on a lasting foundation; that it might be objected America paid enough already, but that he begged leave to remind the House that the subjects of Britain were subjected to the payment of 1,800,000 Pounds yearly to discharge the interest on the debt contracted last war, our conquests in which left them in a state of ease and security. But it maybe said, will you treat with Rebels? I am not inclined to treat, but to demand: nor do I moan in the least to suspend our military operations by Sea and Land till they submit to the laws.

"Whether any Colony will come in on these terms I know not; but I am sure it is both just and humane to give them the option.

"If one consents, a link of the great chain is broken. If not, which possibly may be the case, and that they make no offer whatever, or none that we could with any propriety accept, it will convince men of justice and humanity at home, that our dispute with America was not about modes of taxation, but that they have deeper views, and mean to throw off all dependence upon this country, and to get rid of every control of the Legislature; that he hoped at least this would, not lessen our unanimity at home, though he never expected to see that unanimity so much wished on a matter of this importance."

A circumstantial account of the important Debates in the American Committee on Lord North's motion of Monday, February 20, 1775. On Sunday evening February 19, a Treasury Letter, desiring an attendance in the House for the next day, was sent to the most active persons in opposition, as well as to all those who support Ministry, as Lord North had a motion of importance to make. It is unusual to send such letters to the Members who oppose. This message, therefore, occasioned much speculation. Early on Monday it was universally given out that Lord North intended to move a conciliatory preposition, which would have a tendency to quiet the troubles that unhappily distract the British Empire.

About four o'clock Sir Charles Whitworth took the chair in the American Committee. Lord North, immediately rose, and having laid open his design in a speech of rather less than; an hour, concluded with the following motion: