not be any way regularly communicated to any Congress or meeting of all the Provinces; that no proposition coming from any such Congress or meeting could have authority to pledge or engage the Provinces in any propositions that may be made—yet as I do apprehend that no General Court or Assembly of any Province will listen to any matter that shall be proposed to them on this subject, or make any proposition hereupon; but as they take the tone from the opinion of that General Congress which they have of late accustomed themselves to meet in, I should hope that some how or other the propositions of this Resolution may find their way to such Congress, so as to become a matter of their attention.

The next observation which I shall make is, that by the terms of this Resolution, whatever contributions are agreed and settled, as to be raised by the Colonies, are to be raised under the appropriation of the common defence. This condition, sir, is wisely grounded and decided, for it will remove every idea of appropriating it to a matter which the Colonies most fear; it will avoid every suspicion of a misapplication to purposes for which it never was meant to be raised.

An honourable gentleman (Mr. Charles Fox) in a late debate, though he took up the idea in opposition, certainly was the first and the only one in that line of debate who hit upon the real jet of the dispute between this country and America. He very ably stated, that the reason why the Colonies objected to the laying taxes for the purpose of a Revenue in America, was that such Revenue in the hands of Government, took out of the hands of the people that were to be governed, that control which every Englishman thinks he ought to have over that Government to which his rights and interests are entrusted. The mode of appropriation specified in this Resolution takes away the ground of that opposition—for although Parliament is to have the disposal and expenditure of this Revenue, yet as the settlement proposes that the Colonies shall, by a particular revenue, make provision for the establishment of their own Government, and specifies that the general revenue which shall be raised, is for the common defence, no part of this money so raised can be applied by Parliament so as to destroy that control which they so much contend for. The misapplication of that four and a half percent, which was raised for the publick service and common defence, to purposes totally foreign and alien to that end, has ever left in the minds of the Colonists a suspicion which has stood in the way of all propositions made for raising any general revenue; but this Resolution totally removes every ground of such suspicion, and leads to matters worthy of the attention of those who may have the carrying it into execution.

Upon these grounds it is, sir, that although the propositions contained in this Resolution may not come into direct negotiation; and although they do not contain all that I do suppose negotiation will lead to, yet containing all that 'tis possible could be proposed in the present state of the business, I do believe that they will finally open the way to reconciliation and peace, and as such I have given my support, and do give my most hearty consent to them.

Mr. Charles Fox. I congratulate my friends, and I congratulate the publick, upon the motion which the noble Lord has now produced. He, who has been hitherto all violence and war, is now treading back his steps to peace. I congratulate my friends and the publick on those measures which have produced this effect. It is now seen what the effects are which a firm and a spirited opposition will produce; it is the opposition which has been made in this House, although ineffectual, to oppose the measures of Ministers, whilst they were pleased to be violent, yet has had that effect, that they now find it their interest and their safety to be otherwise. The noble Lord has receded from his proposition of violence—has begun (I mean if he is sincere) to listen to reason; and, if the same spirit of opposition continues to resist violence, and to support the liberties and rights of the Colonies, he will grow every day more and more reasonable. He has quoted as an authority the conduct of Nations towards each other; that, in the outset of their demands they claim more than they are willing to accept. The noble Lord has done the same, and, I dare say, will in a future day be as ready to recede from what he has now proposed, as he has now been humble enough to give up what he before so strenuously defended. I say this upon the supposition that the noble Lord is sincere; but I cannot believe it. Besides the opposition which his Lordship found obstructing his way, he felt that even his friends and allies began to grow slack towards the vigour of his measures; he was thereforce forced to look out for some propositions that might still induce them to go on with him, and that might, if possible, persuade the Americans to trust their rights to his candour and justice. What he has now proposed to you, does accordingly carry two faces on its very first appearance. To the Americans, and to those who are unwilling to proceed in the extremes of violence against them, he holds out negotiation and reconciliation. To those who have engaged with him on condition that he will support the supremacy of this country unimpaired, the proposition holds out a persuasion that he never will relax on that point; but, sir, his friends see that he is relaxing, and the Committee sees that they are all ready to withdraw from under his standard. No one in this country who is sincerely for peace, will trust the speciousness of his expressions, and the Americans will reject them with disdain.

Mr. Jenkinson. The honourable gentleman who spoke last, has, among other objections, stated that the proposition now made to you is a total change of measures, an is totally new. Sir, it is so far from a change of measures that it makes part of those very measures in which the House engaged itself when it presented the late Address to his Majesty. It speaks out as to what indulgence was held out and promised, and it speaks out as to the ground on which that indulgence can be granted. It lays down as a rule at the foundation, that every part of the Empire must bear its share to the common defence; and as to the mode by which the Provinces and Colonies may contribute their share, it leaves that to the very course which their principles have always claimed it ought to go in. But it does it, sir, in a way that maintains and supports the supremacy of Parliament. The terms on which this agreement is to be established, must have the sanction of Parliament the Revenue raised must be at the disposal of Parliament Sir, this is so far from being a proposition new at this day that it is the very proposition which Mr. Grenville mad to the Colonies the year before he brought forward the measure of the Stamp Act; and, would the Colonies a any time have come forward and proposed any measures in this line of common service, the Government of this country would, I believe, at all times have been ready to listen to them. If there be any thing new in this proposition, it is that it speaks out explicitly and definitely; and, if the Colonies reject it, it leaves them without excuse in the eye of all mankind.

Mr. Welbore Ellis. At all times, sir, when I rise to speak in this House, I do it with a diffidence of my own opinion, but more so on the present occasion, as I am afraid I shall not only differ from my friends, but perhaps from every man in this House. I am extremely sorry to differ from the noble Lord. It is from the sincere opinion I have of his abilities and integrity, not from any fear of his power But, sir, on the present occasion, the proposition which is now made to you, is so directly contrary to my idea of the Address, as I agreed to it, that I cannot, consistent with the opinion I then gave, accede to it. Sir, I was in hope to find, and in any measure that I can agree to, I must expect to meet with, as the first step in the business, an express and definitive acknowledgment from the Americans of our supremacy. Without that point first settled, I can neither receive nor consent to any other propositions. If I ask myself whether the present Resolution expresses the meaning of the Address, I certainly must answer no. If I am called upon as a gentleman, to say whether it doe: or not, I must, as a gentleman, upon my honour, declare that I think it does not. So far, therefore, as I have pledged my opinion in that Address, I find myself as a man of honour bound to oppose this proposition. But my mode of conceiving things can be no rule to other persons; and I own that I do not wish to impose my Opinion upon any other person whatever. I wish not to influence any other person. Having therefore said thus much to explain and justify my own conduct, I think the best thing I can do is to sit down.

Mr. Adam spoke against the Resolution, upon the ground of its waiving, if it did not give up, the supremacy.