meditated to abandon the Town with their wives and families, and the reducing it to ashes. Did not we ourselves give a very striking proof, at the commencement of the twelfth century, to what an incendiary height the flame of vengeance might reach, when we invited over, and received into the very centre of this Island, a whole army of Frenchmen to aid us against a tyrant Monarch and his iniquitous Counsellors? We owe, perhaps, that sacred palladium of our liberty, Magnet Charta, as much to a Dauphin of France, as to a King of England.

The Americans allege that what they now contend for is that reasonable portion of liberty with which they were chartered as their birthright, not by any earthly potentate, but by the King of kings, "to make their lives happy in the possession of which liberty, they do now hourly invoke that King of kings, or to make their death glorious in its just defence."

What is the aim and scope of the Resolution before you? To lure some of the less refractory Provinces of America to dissociate from, and betray their fellow-sufferers; to join in raising a contribution throughout one half of the Colonies, to support your armaments and outrages against the other half, with a view to annihilate trade, cut off every natural channel of livelihood and subsistence, and butcher the disobedient; and how are these seceders to be recompensed for such signal perfidy? Why, by a temporary exercise of certain empty forms and modes of taxation, confirming at the same time a right in the Crown and Parliament of Great Britain to fix the gross amount of all Continental subsidies whatsoever; that is, in fact, they are to be still subject to a Ministerial majority in this House, which may levy imposts on them, not by any fair scale of proportion to the burthen laid on the mother country, but the demand may perhaps be carried beyond their abilities, or they may be liable to the discharge of an immense national debt. By way of earnest, however, against the numerous abuses in future, to which this curious plan lies open, they shall instantly repose entire faith and confidence in the present set of the King's Ministers at Westminster, so remarkable for consistency, lenity, and wisdom.

The noble Lord puts me in mind of King Arthur, in our modern dramatick mask, where that first of the British worthies stands balancing between Grimbald and Philadel. He has just caught a glimpse of the cloven foot of the infernal fiend, by whose dazzling snares and incantations he has been thus long fascinated, and is turning to the fair, heavenly spirit, who would guide him into the ways of happiness and honour. Let him not stop short, but pursue the only track that can save his country—perhaps save himself from perdition.

I should be as strenuous an advocate for the just authority of Parliament as any man; but I think we ought candidly and effectually to relinquish all vain pretences to supreme sovereignty, in cases where they are not maintainable on principles of justice, of sound policy, or the Constitution of the land. If you persist in pride and errour, what will be the consequence? Intestine enmities will be increased—devastation and havock must ensue. When questions of such weight and magnitude as these now in agitation concerning America, shall come before you, every Member ought to reflect, that the fate of a whole Nation may possibly depend on his single vote. Whosoever gives the power of oppression, is in fact a tyrant; whosoever gives the power of murder, is in fact an assassin. I am against this Resolution, because I think that so far from extinguishing the flame, it will only throw oil upon it to aggravate its fury; and, however conciliatory it may seem at first sight, when it comes to be analyzed on the other side of the water, it cannot possibly have any other construction put upon it, than that of adding insult to injury.

Sir P. J. Clerke said he should not be surprised, such was the fluctuating state of our counsels, to see another Resolution proposed in a few days, totally contradicting the present, and those persons who are most zealous in support of this Resolution, equally warm in support of the next.

Mr. Hartley. I am called upon on this occasion, particularly as I made a conciliatory proposition on this subject of the American disputes to the House before Christmas, which I shall, at a proper time, offer to the House as a regular motion. The proposition alluded to, was to make a free requisition to the Colonies for a supply towards the expense of defending, protecting, and securing the Colonies. The present motion is not free but compulsory; it is attended with menaces and threats, therefore not a lenient or conciliatory measure, but only thrown out as such for a pretext. To say, give me as much money as I wish, till I say enough, or I will take it from you, and then to call such a proposition conciliatory for peace, is insult added to oppression. The proposition which I made before Christmas, was what it appeared, a free requisition. A requisition by a Secretary of State, is an ancient, legal, approved, constitutional way. It states the case, represents the services necessary to be done, and requires the free aid of the subject for those necessary services, leaving, as a constitutional control, to the subject whose money is required, the judgment upon the necessity of the services stated, and the right of appropriating the money so granted. How totally different from this proposition, is that before us now, which says neither more nor less than this: Give me what I ask, leaving likewise the quantity to my discretion, or I will take it by force. Besides, this proposition is a direct breach of faith towards America, who have been assured by a circular letter from the Secretary of State, that his Majesty's Ministers never meant, nor ever would entertain the thought of raising a Revenue in America by taxing. This proposition before us is a direct breach of the publick faith so pledged to America, by a circular letter from a Secretary of State, in which his Majesty's royal word was particularly plighted. The noble Lord's proposition, who was upon the same bench when the above mentioned circular letter was written, is that we will forbear to tax just so long as they will give us a Revenue to our content. What is this if it be not extorting a Revenue by threats of taxing? The only concession contained in this proposition is, that it gives up at once the mode of our proceedings with America for these last ten years, as it confesses that it would be proper to proceed in the way of requisitions. This proposition pretends to condemn the exercise of taxation before you have made a requisition at least, and have met with a refusal, though by uniting them in the same proposition, it destroys the very nature of the requisition, by making it compulsory.

Let us inquire now, whether ever North America did refuse to contribute to the common defence, upon requisition; so far from it, that they ever have contributed in case of necessity, even beyond their abilities, as the records of thanks to them, and retribution for the excess of the zeal and fidelity, which stand annually upon your Journals, during the late war, do fully and incontestibly prove. Throughout the whole course of this contest since the war, they have over and over offered to contribute to the necessary supply when called upon in a constitutional way. I have extracted proofs of these from Addresses, Petitions, &c., for the whole period of the last ten years. Their Petitions you have thrown out of your doors, their repeated Addresses, Remonstrances, Letters, and Memorials, you have treated with contempt. I have now in my hand a score of proofs that they have offered to pay upon requisition, according to the utmost of their abilities, if those requisitions were made in a legal and constitutional way. I have collected offers of this kind, and I have got them from, I think, almost every Colony. I can shew them repeatedly from Massachusetts Bay, from New-York, New-Jersey, Maryland, Virginia, Pennsylvania, Carolina, and these repeated from time to time during the whole of this contest. I have them in my hand, and will beg to read them to the House. [Reads them.] And to conclude the whole, North America assembled at the Continental Congress, pledge themselves, "that whenever the exigencies of the state shall require a supply, they will as they have always heretofore done, contribute their full proportion of men and money." The terms in which all these offers are expressed, are clear, uniform, and explicit. All that they require is, that they may stand upon the footing of freemen and free British subjects, and giving and granting their own money. For these reasons I object to the motion before us, and shall, with the permission of the House, endeavour to put the proposition upon its proper grounds, by another motion on some future day.

Mr. Thomas Powys wanted to know the sum each Col-