ony was to raise, the manner it was to be appropriated, and whether it was to be granted annually, or for a definite number of years.

Lord North was for preserving the right of Parliament to tax the Colonies; but for transferring the exercise of that right to the Colony Assemblies. He was for leaving the Colonies at liberty to contribute voluntarily to the alleviating the publick burthens, and for reserving to Parliament a right of rejecting or increasing those voluntary aids at pleasure. Among other things, he said, if the Colonies reject just conditions, they must be reduced to unconditional obedience; that such of the Colonies as did not comply with the Resolution, would have the Acts rigidly enforced against them; that he did not nor could, at present, pretend to specify the exact sum they ought to raise, as it would probably fluctuate by bearing a certain proportion to the sums raised in Great Britain; and that whatever propositions they might make, would be received in a legal way from art assembly lawfully and properly constituted, in order to be laid before Parliament for their final approbation. In answer to the honourable gentleman who asked whether the grant was to be an annual one, or for a term of years, he replied he could not tell; but for his part he should wish it to be the latter, otherwise it would return to interrupt the publick business every session, and consequently be a perpetual subject of discussion and disagreement.

Mr. T. Townshend said, that the House was at a loss even so much as to conjecture what were the intentions of Administration, or what the present Resolution pointed at; that nothing hitherto offered by the noble Lord, had in the least degree operated towards the alteration of his sentiments. He thought the Resolution impracticable, whether it meant to enforce obedience, or effect reconciliation.

Sir Richard Sutton said the objects to which the Resolution was directed, were very apparent.

Mr. Charles Turner cited some of the most objectionable parts of the American Bills of last session, and said that they were the most tyrannical and oppressive that were ever passed.

Mr. Hans Stanley said, that some time before the late Address of both Houses to his Majesty, this proposal was talked of and approved by several persons of very high rank in business. Instructions as to the sums to be raised must undoubtedly be confined to people in confidence. He then proceeded to distinguish between the acts of a Congress, and an assembly legally and constitutionally convened, and grounded the whole weight of his argument on that distinction, shewing that it might be extremely proper to agree to propositions made by one, while it would be madness so much as to treat with the other.

Mr. Alderman Sawbridge was very pointed on some of the expressions which fell from the last honourable Member, relative to those who appeared the partisans of America. He owned himself of that number, and gloried in the imputation.

General Burgoyne. Sir, from the time I have been under orders to serve in America, I have thought it an unbecoming part to give my voice as a judge in any American question, this upon your paper only excepted. But having taken some share in the debates of last year, which have been, misrepresented, and having appeared in some divisions this year, before I had any knowledge or suspicion of my destination, I anxiously wish to take this occasion to explain the motives upon which I have invariably acted; and notwithstanding the exhausted state of the debate, I rise with confidence in the House, that they will give that indulgence to my situation, which I should have little claim to upon any other pretensions.

Sir, I think an explanation the more necessary, because both without doors and within, allusions and references are making continually to the sentiments of those who are to act in the military department—a very important, but very unenviable lot. In some of the licentious prints of the times, there have not been wanting suggestions to the publick, that a sanguinary Minister had chosen the Generals best fitted by their inclinations to carry havock and destruction through the Continent of America. Within these walls we, have been treated very differently indeed; we have found an attention, a respect, a favour of opinion and of expression, that has imprinted upon my mind, and I am persuaded equally upon the minds of my colleagues, a sincere satisfaction and a deep sense of gratitude to gentlemen on all sides of the House. But still, sir, I have observed through the course of the debate an opinion to prevail, that a great latitude of orders is to be given, and that in acting under such latitude, we shall be influenced by the speeches we hear in this place, some of which are supposed to convey the most inflammatory ideas, others, ideas of the most humiliating concession. I do not know, sir, that any such latitude will be given, at least it will hardly extend to my inferiour station. The utmost merit I shall be able to claim in this expedition, will probably be that of an attentive, an assiduous, circumscribed obedience. But I can speak with confidence of those under whom I am to leave this country, as well as of the high and respectable officer who now commands in America; such men will not want the oratory of this House to give a due tone to their spirit or their humanity.

A noble sentiment fell from an honourable gentleman in my eye, (Colonel Barré) "that bravery and compassion were associate virtues;" may they remain blended on the minds of every military man in America; let a persuasion uniformly prevail, that upon a review of our conduct hereafter, by our dispassionate and impartial countrymen, our bravery will be judged by the test of our compassion, Should we inevitably be made the instruments of punishment, let every action of the unhappy conflict be directed and marked by that temper which ever ought to discriminate the correction of the state from the sudden and impetuous impulse of passion and revenge; but with these principles at the heart of every soldier, and these they will be; for there is a charm in the very wanderings and dreams of liberty, that disarms an Englishman's anger; with these principles at the heart, care must be taken that the honour, the ascendancy, the impression of the British arms be not insulted or diminished in the hands of those to whom they are entrusted; and while we remember we are contending against fellow-subjects and brothers, it must not be forgot we are contending in the crisis, and for the fate of the British Empire.

An honourable young Member, (Mr. Ackland) who has entered into the Army with a zeal that justly entitles him Jo the esteem of every officer, and whose Parliamentary spirit and talents have this day proved him a most valuable acquisition to this House, asked, early in the debate, whether it could be supposed those Americans who denied, the authority of British Legislature, would accept the mode of taxation proposed by these Resolutions? I believe they will not; and I differ with him so far upon this occasion, as to say I do not like the Resolution the worse upon that account. While it holds out conciliation to those who wish to return to obedience and fidelity, and must be accepted by all rational men and well intentioned subjects, the refusal of it will be as explicitly and decisively declaratory, as any manifesto could express, of the principles on which they act, who continue to resist, and it puts the dispute on clear ground.

Sir, in foreign wars, the conscience of the quarrel belongs to the state alone. The soldier draws his sword with alacrity; the cause in which he engages rests between God and his Prince, and he wants no other excitements to his duty, than such as the glory of his country, personal honour, and just ambition will suggest. In civil discord, (without inquiring casuistically, whether in any, or in what possible case, a military servant of the Crown can be justified in declining a service to which he is legally commanded,) I believe a consideration of the cause will find its way to the breast of every conscientious man; and in the execution of his duty, he will find sorrow and remorse on one side, or satisfaction and inward comfort on the other, according to the private judgment he entertains. I perceive gentlemen on every side of the House acknowledge the truth of this general observation. Sir, I shall be astonished if any gentleman denies the particular application of it. Is there a man in England, (I am confident there is not an officer or soldier in the King's service) who does not think the Parliamentary rights of Great Britain a cause to fight for, to bleed and die for? Sir, I will assert that the professed advocates of America have never ventured to meet this argument fairly. They have always shifted it to collateral inquiries, accusation, recrimination, and examination