fell in with the duties of his department. But the question before the House was not whether the British Newfoundland, Fishery afforded an excellent nursery for Seamen? hut whether an innocent people should be reduced to every extreme of poignant misery? Whether they should be cut off by any inhuman act, from the very means of subsistence? Whether the trade of Great Britain should ultimately sustain a shock, and the whole body of the North American Merchants be reduced to suffer hardships, from which their importance to the state entitles them to be wholly exempt? These were the questions before the House for discussion; because, on the determination of these points, depended the final acceptance or total rejection of the Bill. If the trade of England should be at stake, it could not be admitted as a plea of justification for the loss of that trade, to say, "that an additional number of Seamen were raised;" nor, if a people were to experience the horrours of famine, would it be the smallest alleviation of their sufferings to allege, "that the measures, although harsh, yet occasioned the fitting out a greater number of Shallops, and thus afforded employment for a greater number of Sailors." Yet this was tantamount to the whole of the evidence delivered in favour of the Bill; and that this did not operate as exculpatory of the evils flowing from this iniquitous source, was extremely certain; it left no favourable impression on the mind; humanity and Sound policy still refused their concurrence with the measures; justice revolted at it, as in every respect repugnant to her righteous decrees; and thus, unsupported by every human virtue, the Bill should be rejected through every principle of human wisdom.

His Lordship then entered into a comparative view of the trade of America at different periods, and that of New England in particular. He quoted from the Papers lying on the table, that the Exports in 1704, amounted to no more than £70,000 per annum; in half a century, in 1754, it was £80,000; about the time of the repeal of the Stamp Act, in 1766, it was nearly £400,000; and within the last ten years it had so prodigiously increased, as to amount to 7 or £800,000. This increase had extended , itself, he was well assured, in pretty much the same proportion to all the other Colonies; and it appeared by a gentleman who gave evidence at the bar, (Mr. Watson) that the amount of total Exports in the last mentioned period, was above £2,600,000. His Lordship said he could not help remarking the agreement there was between that gentleman's account and the one on the table, which made the Exports to all America, in 1764, about £2,700,000.

The vast increase and consequent importance of the North American trade being thus clearly demonstrated, the illustrious Marquis censured the impolicy of measures which struck at the existence of a branch of commerce of such extreme magnitude; but the House, in the discussion of American affairs, has hitherto proceeded in the gross, without ever considering the detail of things; yet this default was to he ascribed to the Ministry, who seemed studiously to withhold the necessary information; and in matters fraught even with national ruin, such intelligence was kept back as plight throw light on affairs proper for investigation. Thus, with respect to American Papers, they were laid before the House in, a most mangled state, such only being submitted to the inspection of the noble Lords as answered a temporary purpose, or served to corroborate the assertions of those in office. As an exemplification of this truth, a letter from Lord Dunmore, giving an account of the then state of things in Virginia, dated in December, had been laid before the House, because that letter treats the Americans, as an "infatuated people," and encourages Administration to hope for a speedy accomplishment of their purposes; yet not the least notice is taken in that letter of the following Association, into which the Officers of Lord Dumore's Army had entered, early in the preceding November:

"At a Meeting of the Officers under the command of his Excellency the Right Honourable the Earl of Dunmore, convened at Fort Gower, November 5, 1774, for the purpose of considering the Grievances of British America,

"Resolved, That we will bear the most faithful allegiance to his Majesty King George the Third, whilst his Majesty delights to reign over a brave and free people; that we will, at the expense of life, and every thing dear and valuable, exert ourselves in support of the honour of the Crown and the dignity of the British Empire. But, as the love liberty, and attachment to the real interests and just rights of America, outweigh every other consideration, we resolve that we will exert every power within us for the defence of American Liberty, and for the support of her just rights and privileges, not in any precipitate, riotous, or tumultuous manner, but when regularly called forth by the unanimous voice of our countrymen.

"Signed by order, and in behalf of the whole Corps.

"BENJAMIN ASEBY, Clerk."

Could Lord Dunmore be supposed ignorant of this Association? It was impossible that his Lordship could be ignorant of so important a fact, a fact of such notoriety, a fact so truly alarming. But were that even so, a paper which he held in his hand, made it clear that his Lordship could be at least no stranger to its being published at Williamsburg, in Virginia, the seat of his Government, two days preceding the dale of his celebrated despatch. Perhaps it might have been a spurious account, and as such his Lordship could not have taken notice of it; but if that were the case, he should be obliged to some noble Lord in Administration, to rise and tell him so; otherwise he must continue to think that the proceeding of the noble Governour was not to be accounted for, consistent with his duty, or at least with the duty of those, who, having better information, thought proper to hold it back. To treat the associations of the people with superciliousness, and affect to consider them of little moment, at the same instant that a military league was entered into by the Officers of Lord Dunmore's own Army, whereby they pledge themselves to defend American Liberty with the sword, what was this but to talk at random without adverting to the true state of things? But Administration were accustomed to deal in generals themselves, and hence they might encourage general assertions unsupported by facts in others; thus, general hints had been thrown out respecting the New-York defection; yet, when the fact was examined into, to what did it amount? Why, the very persons on whom Ministry placed the firmest reliance, though they may disclaim the authority of the Congress, yet have they virtually denied the Legislative authority of Great Britain, and voted, in consequence, a Petition to the King, a Memorial to the House of Lords, and a Remonstrance to the Commons! Did not these things plainly indicate that even the friends of Government in America are averse to the measures of Administration? And, if those on whom the noble personages in office, rely the most, cannot yet be brought to approve their deeds, from avowed enemies nothing but an opposition, constantly and extremely rigorous, was to be expected.

The illustrious Marquis next avowed it by no means his intention to combat this or that particular clause of the Bill, he directed his enmity to the whole; he disliked the starving principle on which the Bill was framed; which, he said, exactly resembled the mode adopted by Marshal Rosen, King James the Second's French General in Ireland, in order to reduce the rebellious citizens and other defenders of Londonderry. They, brave men, as the Americans are now, were styled Traitors and Rebels; and they, as well as our rebellious subjects in America, were to be starved into compliance; that is, the means employed were to be justified by the goodness of the cause. The Marquis wished his noble auditors to bear in mind the situation of the New Englanders, to be deprived of sustenance, if the Fishery Bill took place; as thus alone could the House determine as to the similarity of measures. He then read an order from Rosen,* for obliging the garrison

*"Comrade de Rosen, Marshal General of all his Majesty's Forces, declares by these presents to the Commanders, Officers, Soldiers, and Inhabitants of the City of Londonderry: That in case they do not, betwixt this and Monday next, at six o'clock in the afternoon, being the 1st of July, 1689, agree to surrender the said place of Londonderry unto the King, upon such conditions as may be granted them, according to the instructions and power Lieutenant-General Hamilton formerly received from the King, he will forthwith issue out his orders from the Barony of Inisbone, and the Sea-Coasts round about, as far as Charlemont, for the gathering together of those of their faction, whether protected or not, and cause them immediately to be brought to the walls of Londonderry, where it shall be lawful for those that are in the Town, (in case they have any pity for them,) to open the gates and receive them into the Town; otherwise, they will be forced to see their friends and nearest relations all starved for want of food, he having resolved not to leave one of them at home, nor any thing to maintain them. And that all hope of succour may be taken away, by the landing of any Troops in these parts from England; he further declares, that in case they refuse to submit, he will forthwith cause all the said country to be immediately destroyed; that if any succour should be hereafter sent from England, they may perish with them for want of food. Besides which, he has a very considerable Army, as well for the opposing of thorn in all places that shall be judged neces-